墙内2.4万人请愿汪洋接总书记。费东斌扯上江泽民就是大外宣在洗地，江绵恒没有出席陈云120周年纪念会说明一切

 

墙内2.4万人请愿汪洋接总书记。费东斌扯上江泽民就是大外宣在洗地，江绵恒没有出席陈云120周年纪念会说明一切

大家好，
这名网友的说法，把费东斌往江泽民身上扯淡。这一看就是大外宣的说法。这次陈云120周年最大的看点，就是江绵恒没有出席。

2025年6月13日，中共中央在人民大会堂举行纪念陈云诞辰120周年座谈会，习近平、李强、赵乐际、王沪宁、蔡奇、丁薛祥、李希等出席，唯独江泽民之子江绵恒未现身。这是此次纪念会的最大看点，暗示江泽民的政治根基更多与邓小平而非陈云挂钩。

陈云与朱镕基的联系：1995年6月13日，中共中央举行陈云诞辰90周年座谈会，袁宝华代表薛暮桥、吴波、沈鸿、柴树藩跪舔陈云，张全景、胡绳也发了言，显示陈云在党内的影响力。

袁宝华出席如此重要场合，纪念陈云，明显是陈云马仔。在国家经委期间，经马洪推荐，提拔朱镕基进入国家经委。

而马洪又把朱镕基力荐给当年东北局的老同事袁宝华领导的国家经委。袁宝华是提拔朱镕基进入国家经委的贵人，又是陈云的马仔。朱镕基无疑是陈云马仔。我们看历届的国家经委主任。康世恩就是毛泽东，华国锋的人。1978年12月开的十一届三中全会。1980年华国锋辞去总理职务，国家经委主任就换上袁宝华了。袁宝华，张劲夫，吕东都是陈云马仔，王忠禹是朱镕基大秘。前面的经委主任就是薄一波，薄熙来唱红打黑的总后台就是朱镕基。

1992年5月25日，国务院副总理朱镕基正在太原出差。据当时陪同朱镕基出差的李剑阁(后调国家经贸委司长)回忆，下午正开着会，朱镕基接到一个电话，出去了一会儿。晚间散步时，朱镕基告诉李剑阁：“下午就是接到泽民同志的电话，商量能不能提‘社会主义市场经济’。”

“六九讲话”之后，江泽民专程拜访了邓小平、陈云等老同志。党内高层意见达成统一。

此处写的很清楚，1992年6月9日，江泽民在党校讲话提出社会主义市场经济体制，会后拜访了邓小平、陈云。绝对不是邓小平一人说了算那么简单。江泽民一个总书记为什么和副总理朱镕基商量呢？

不就说明朱镕基是陈云马仔是陈云在前台的代理人。陈云一贯支持计划经济，对市场化改革持保守态度。江泽民需要与朱镕基沟通，以争取陈云派支持。最终，陈云被迫背书“社会主义市场经济”，是邓小平施压的结果，凸显邓小平在改革方向上的主导地位。

江泽民的上位，按照大外宣的说法，1989年江泽民接替赵紫阳任中共中央总书记，经李先念提名、陈云推荐、邓小平同意。

然而2025年6月陈云120周年纪念会，江绵恒没有出席，邓小平之子邓朴方同样缺席。如果江泽民由陈云提拔，江绵恒作为其子理应出席以示尊重和延续政治关系。江绵恒的缺席表明江泽民与陈云派系的联系较弱，进一步佐证江泽民的上位更多依赖邓小平，而非陈云。

江泽民葬礼上江家和邓家的合影说明一切。江绵恒连陈云的纪念会都不参加。

1992年确立“社会主义市场经济”路线，江泽民需要与陈云马仔朱镕基沟通，并拜访陈云，说明陈云的影响力，但是最终改革方向由邓小平主导。江绵恒没有出席陈云120周年纪念会，反映江泽民家族与陈云派系的疏远。

当年党内权力格局中，邓小平为“一把手”，陈云为“二把手”。邓小平在1989年对金日成评价江泽民“工作扎实、比较民主”，显示邓小平对江泽民认可。陈云晚年虽然支持邓小平的改革开放，但是在经济政策上更保守，比如反对激进的价格改革，与江泽民推行的市场化路线有分歧。江绵恒没有出席陈云120周年纪念会，表明江泽民并非陈云嫡系。

朱镕基通过袁宝华进入国家经委，1992年又与江泽民密切沟通“社会主义市场经济”的路线问题，显示朱镕基作为陈云派“代理人”的角色。陈云对计划经济的坚持，使陈云对市场化改革持保留态度，但最终在邓小平压力下妥协。江泽民需通过朱镕基协调陈云派，说明陈云派在1992年仍有影响力，但江泽民的上位和政策推行更多依赖邓小平。

江绵恒没有出席陈云120周年纪念会，表明江泽民家族不认同与陈云派的历史联系。如果江泽民是陈云嫡系，江绵恒理应出席以巩固派系关系。邓朴方的缺席也暗示邓家与陈云派没有紧密联系，强化了江泽民由邓小平提拔的观点。

现在事实就是习远平出席了，但是江绵恒和邓朴方没有出席。江绵恒没有出席陈云120周年纪念会，是此次事件的核心亮点，因其直接挑战了江泽民与陈云派系密切相关的传统叙事。

江胡习就是三大派系，我不可能指挥江绵恒，也不可能指挥邓朴方。不让他们参加陈云的纪念会。

陈云儿子陈元近年表态支持习近平反腐，显示习近平就是陈云的代理人。

1992年确立“社会主义市场经济”路线，江泽民与朱镕基的沟通及陈云的被迫背书，说明邓小平主导改革。朱镕基就是阻挠市场经济的陈云的代言人。这都能洗地成改革派。江绵恒陈云120周年纪念会印证江泽民更多依赖邓小平，而非陈云。我先说的习近平就是陈云提拔的。江绵恒不出席陈云120周年纪念会这件事情是刚刚发生的。江绵恒缺席陈云120周年纪念会也证明习近平马上就要倒台了。

这名网友说，陈吉宁去上海交通大学滑跪江蛤。
江绵恒上了新闻联播，他也不去参加陈云的120周年纪念会。陈吉宁去了上海科技大学，又去上海交通大学。还能再明显点吗？一个上海市委书记，他还不知道，中国现在谁说了算吗？

2025年5月9日，中国某知名社交平台上出现一则帖子，引用汪洋2012年作为广东省委书记时的话：“必须破除人民幸福是党和政府恩赐的错误认识。不敢说后无来者，至少是前无古人”，获2.4万人点赞，而且没有被删除。同期，网络上关于习近平下台的传言四起，政治氛围敏感。

汪洋的话源自2012年，当时汪洋担任广东省委书记，提出“人民幸福不是党和政府恩赐”，强调政府权力来自人民，造福人民是责任而非恩赐。2025年，这句言论被重新翻出并获2.4万人点赞，反映了部分网民对当前政治生态的不满。习近平下台传言四起，表明社会对习近平执政，比如集权、个人崇拜，搞砸经济的质疑加剧。汪洋的话直指“恩赐”观念，与官方长期宣传的“党和政府带来幸福”形成对比，被网民视为对现行体制的隐晦批评。

2.4万点赞显示了广泛的共鸣，尤其在青年网民中。2024年中国青年网民社会心态调查报告指出，“90后”“00后”一代在社会变迁中追求更独立的价值观，对“幸福是权利而非恩赐”的理念更易产生认同。汪洋的言论被赞为“前无古人”，暗示网民认为汪洋突破了中共官场僵化的话语体系，呼应了民间对自由、自主幸福的渴望。在习近平下台传言的背景下，此帖成为网民借历史言论表达对现状不满的出口，反映民意对更开放、民主治理的期待。

下台传言放大帖子的影响力。网友将汪洋言论解读为“石破天惊”，甚至将汪洋与总书记接班传言联系，习下汪上。表明部分民意将其视为挑战习近平权威的象征。2.4万点赞没有被删，显示民意在网络空间的短暂聚集，可能是对习近平集权模式的一种间接抗议。

在中国网络环境下，高压审查机制对敏感政治内容反应迅速，尤其是涉及常委，比如汪洋，虽然只是退休常委，所有的潜在挑战官方叙事的言论，通常会被快速删除。2025年5月，习近平下台传言四起，政治敏感度更高，网络监控力度应进一步加强。社交平台数据显示，获2.4万点赞的热门帖子，通常会触发算法预警，进入人工审查范围。因此，获2.4万点赞的汪洋言论帖没有被删除，绝非审查疏忽，而是可能涉及更复杂的政治背景。

在高压审查体系下，2.4万点赞的帖子几乎不可能因“疏忽”而未被发现。中国的网络审查依赖先进算法和人工团队，2024年统计显示，敏感内容通常在数小时内，甚至十几分钟之内被识别并处理，尤其在知名社交平台，2.4万点赞会迅速进入监管视线。疏忽的可能性极低。

没有删帖只能解释成当局有意放任，以观察民意动向或评估社会情绪。汪洋的话来自2012年公开场合，在习近平下台传言的敏感期，中共的处理方式，意味深长。

汪洋会不会顶替胡春华担任总书记。我们需要继续观察中共政局的变化，好的，谢谢大家。

英文翻译

24,000 people inside the wall petitioned Wang Yang to take over as general secretary. Fei Dongbin’s link to Jiang Zemin is just a propaganda whitewash. Jiang Mianheng’s absence from the 120th anniversary of Chen Yun’s memorial meeting tells the story.

Hello everyone,
This netizen’s statement is to blame Fei Dongbin on Jiang Zemin. This is obviously a propaganda statement. The biggest highlight of Chen Yun’s 120th anniversary is that Jiang Mianheng did not attend.

On June 13, 2025, the CPC Central Committee held a symposium in the Great Hall of the People to commemorate the 120th anniversary of Chen Yun’s birth. Xi Jinping, Li Qiang, Zhao Leji, Wang Huning, Cai Qi, Ding Xuexiang, Li Xi and others attended, but Jiang Zemin’s son Jiang Mianheng did not show up. This is the biggest highlight of this memorial meeting, suggesting that Jiang Zemin’s political foundation is more linked to Deng Xiaoping than Chen Yun.

The connection between Chen Yun and Zhu Rongji: On June 13, 1995, the CPC Central Committee held a symposium on the 90th anniversary of Chen Yun’s birth. Yuan Baohua represented Xue Muqiao, Wu Bo, Shen Hong, and Chai Shufan to lick Chen Yun. Zhang Quanjing and Hu Sheng also spoke, showing Chen Yun’s influence in the party.

Yuan Baohua attended such an important occasion to commemorate Chen Yun, and was obviously Chen Yun’s lackey. During his time in the State Economic Commission, Zhu Rongji was promoted to the State Economic Commission on the recommendation of Ma Hong.

Ma Hong strongly recommended Zhu Rongji to the State Economic Commission led by Yuan Baohua, an old colleague of the Northeast Bureau at that time. Yuan Baohua was the nobleman who promoted Zhu Rongji to the State Economic Commission, and he was also Chen Yun’s lackey. Zhu Rongji was undoubtedly Chen Yun’s lackey. Let’s look at the successive directors of the State Economic Commission. Kang Shien was a man of Mao Zedong and Hua Guofeng. The Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee was held in December 1978. In 1980, Hua Guofeng resigned as Premier, and Yuan Baohua took over as Director of the State Economic Commission. Yuan Baohua, Zhang Jinfu, and Lu Dong were all Chen Yun’s lackeys, and Wang Zhongyu was Zhu Rongji’s chief secretary. The previous Director of the Economic Commission was Bo Yibo, and Zhu Rongji was the general backstage of Bo Xilai’s campaign to promote the red cause and fight crime.

On May 25, 1992, Vice Premier Zhu Rongji was on a business trip in Taiyuan. According to Li Jiange (later transferred to the Director of the State Economic and Trade Commission), who accompanied Zhu Rongji on the business trip at the time, Zhu Rongji received a call in the afternoon and went out for a while. While taking a walk in the evening, Zhu Rongji told Li Jiange: “I received a call from Comrade Zemin in the afternoon to discuss whether we can propose the ‘socialist market economy’.”

After the “June 9 Speech”, Jiang Zemin made a special trip to visit Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yun and other old comrades. The opinions of the top leaders of the party reached a consensus.

It is written very clearly here that on June 9, 1992, Jiang Zemin proposed the socialist market economic system in his speech at the Party School, and visited Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun after the meeting. It is definitely not as simple as Deng Xiaoping having the final say. Why did Jiang Zemin, a general secretary, discuss with Vice Premier Zhu Rongji?

Doesn’t it mean that Zhu Rongji is Chen Yun’s henchman and Chen Yun’s agent in the front. Chen Yun has always supported the planned economy and has a conservative attitude towards market-oriented reforms. Jiang Zemin needs to communicate with Zhu Rongji to win the support of Chen Yun’s faction. In the end, Chen Yun was forced to endorse the “socialist market economy” as a result of Deng Xiaoping’s pressure, highlighting Deng Xiaoping’s dominant position in the direction of reform.

According to the big foreign propaganda, Jiang Zemin’s rise to power was in 1989 when he succeeded Zhao Ziyang as General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, nominated by Li Xiannian, recommended by Chen Yun, and agreed by Deng Xiaoping.

However, Jiang Mianheng did not attend the 120th anniversary of Chen Yun in June 2025, and Deng Pufang, the son of Deng Xiaoping, was also absent. If Jiang Zemin was promoted by Chen Yun, Jiang Mianheng, as his son, should have attended to show respect and continue the political relationship. Jiang Mianheng’s absence shows that Jiang Zemin’s connection with Chen Yun’s faction is weak, further proving that Jiang Zemin’s rise to power depends more on Deng Xiaoping than Chen Yun.

The group photo of the Jiang and Deng families at Jiang Zemin’s funeral says it all. Jiang Mianheng did not even attend Chen Yun’s memorial.

In 1992, when the “socialist market economy” line was established, Jiang Zemin needed to communicate with Chen Yun’s henchman Zhu Rongji and visit Chen Yun, which shows Chen Yun’s influence, but the final direction of reform was led by Deng Xiaoping. Jiang Mianheng did not attend the 120th anniversary of Chen Yun, reflecting the estrangement between Jiang Zemin’s family and Chen Yun’s faction.

In the power structure within the party at that time, Deng Xiaoping was the “number one” and Chen Yun was the “number two”. Deng Xiaoping commented to Kim Il-sung in 1989 that Jiang Zemin “worked solidly and was relatively democratic”, which showed that Deng Xiaoping recognized Jiang Zemin. Although Chen Yun supported Deng Xiaoping’s reform and opening up in his later years, he was more conservative in economic policies. For example, he opposed radical price reforms and disagreed with the market-oriented line promoted by Jiang Zemin. Jiang Mianheng did not attend the 120th anniversary of Chen Yun, indicating that Jiang Zemin was not Chen Yun’s direct line.

Zhu Rongji entered the State Economic Commission through Yuan Baohua, and in 1992 he communicated closely with Jiang Zemin on the line of “socialist market economy”, showing Zhu Rongji’s role as an “agent” of Chen Yun’s faction. Chen Yun’s insistence on the planned economy made Chen Yun reserved about market-oriented reforms, but he finally compromised under the pressure of Deng Xiaoping. Jiang Zemin needed to coordinate Chen Yun’s faction through Zhu Rongji, which shows that Chen Yun’s faction still had influence in 1992, but Jiang Zemin’s rise to power and policy implementation relied more on Deng Xiaoping.

Jiang Mianheng’s absence from the 120th anniversary of Chen Yun’s memorial service indicates that Jiang Zemin’s family does not recognize the historical connection with Chen Yun’s faction. If Jiang Zemin is a direct descendant of Chen Yun, Jiang Mianheng should have attended to consolidate factional relations. Deng Pufang’s absence also suggests that the Deng family is not closely connected to Chen Yun’s faction, reinforcing the view that Jiang Zemin was promoted by Deng Xiaoping.

Now the fact is that Xi Yuanping attended, but Jiang Mianheng and Deng Pufang did not. Jiang Mianheng’s absence from the 120th anniversary of Chen Yun’s memorial service is the core highlight of this event, because it directly challenges the traditional narrative that Jiang Zemin is closely related to Chen Yun’s faction.

Jiang, Hu and Xi are the three major factions. I cannot command Jiang Mianheng or Deng Pufang. Do not let them attend Chen Yun’s memorial service.

Chen Yun’s son Chen Yuan has expressed support for Xi Jinping’s anti-corruption efforts in recent years, indicating that Xi Jinping is Chen Yun’s agent.
The “socialist market economy” line was established in 1992. The communication between Jiang Zemin and Zhu Rongji and Chen Yun’s forced endorsement showed that Deng Xiaoping led the reform. Zhu Rongji was the spokesperson for Chen Yun who obstructed the market economy. He could even be called a reformer. The 120th anniversary commemoration of Jiang Mianheng and Chen Yun proved that Jiang Zemin relied more on Deng Xiaoping than Chen Yun. Xi Jinping, whom I mentioned first, was promoted by Chen Yun. Jiang Mianheng’s absence from Chen Yun’s 120th anniversary commemoration just happened. Jiang Mianheng’s absence from Chen Yun’s 120th anniversary commemoration also proved that Xi Jinping was about to fall.

This netizen said that Chen Jining went to Shanghai Jiaotong University to slide on his knees.
Jiang Mianheng was on the news broadcast, but he did not attend Chen Yun’s 120th anniversary commemoration. Chen Jining went to Shanghai University of Science and Technology and then to Shanghai Jiaotong University. Could it be more obvious? As a Shanghai Municipal Party Secretary, he still doesn’t know who has the final say in China now?

On May 9, 2025, a post appeared on a well-known Chinese social platform, quoting Wang Yang’s words when he was the secretary of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee in 2012: “We must break the wrong perception that people’s happiness is a gift from the party and the government. I dare not say that there will be no successors, but at least there has been no predecessors.” It received 24,000 likes and was not deleted. At the same time, rumors about Xi Jinping’s resignation spread on the Internet, and the political atmosphere was sensitive.

Wang Yang’s words originated in 2012, when Wang Yang was the secretary of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee. He proposed that “people’s happiness is not a gift from the party and the government”, emphasizing that government power comes from the people, and benefiting the people is a responsibility rather than a gift. In 2025, this remark was re-examined and received 24,000 likes, reflecting the dissatisfaction of some netizens with the current political ecology. Rumors of Xi Jinping’s resignation are spreading, indicating that the society’s doubts about Xi Jinping’s governance, such as centralization, personality cult, and messing up the economy, have intensified. Wang Yang’s words directly point to the concept of “grace”, which contrasts with the official long-term propaganda of “the party and the government bring happiness”, and is regarded by netizens as a veiled criticism of the current system.

24,000 likes show widespread resonance, especially among young netizens. The 2024 China Youth Netizens Social Mentality Survey Report pointed out that the “post-90s” and “post-00s” generations pursue more independent values in social changes and are more likely to identify with the concept of “happiness is a right rather than a gift.” Wang Yang’s remarks were praised as “unprecedented”, suggesting that netizens believe that Wang Yang has broken through the rigid discourse system of the CCP officialdom and echoed the people’s desire for freedom, autonomy and happiness. Against the backdrop of rumors that Xi Jinping will step down, this post has become an outlet for netizens to express their dissatisfaction with the status quo through historical remarks, reflecting the public’s expectations for more open and democratic governance.

Rumors of stepping down have magnified the influence of the post. Netizens interpreted Wang Yang’s remarks as “earth-shattering” and even linked Wang Yang to rumors of the succession of the general secretary, with Xi stepping down and Wang taking over. This shows that some public opinion regards it as a symbol of challenging Xi Jinping’s authority. The 24,000 likes were not deleted, indicating that the short-term gathering of public opinion in cyberspace may be an indirect protest against Xi Jinping’s centralized model.

In China’s online environment, the high-pressure censorship mechanism reacts quickly to sensitive political content, especially when it comes to members of the Standing Committee, such as Wang Yang, who is only a retired member of the Standing Committee. All remarks that potentially challenge the official narrative are usually deleted quickly. In May 2025, rumors of Xi Jinping’s resignation spread, and political sensitivity was higher, so network monitoring should be further strengthened. Data from social platforms show that popular posts with 24,000 likes usually trigger algorithm warnings and enter the scope of manual review. Therefore, the fact that Wang Yang’s speech post with 24,000 likes was not deleted is by no means negligence in censorship, but may involve a more complex political background.

Under the high-pressure censorship system, it is almost impossible for a post with 24,000 likes to go undetected due to “negligence”. China’s online censorship relies on advanced algorithms and manual teams. Statistics in 2024 show that sensitive content is usually identified and processed within hours or even more than ten minutes, especially on well-known social platforms, where 24,000 likes will quickly enter the regulatory sight. The possibility of negligence is extremely low.

The failure to delete the post can only be explained as the authorities deliberately letting it go in order to observe public opinion trends or assess social sentiment. Wang Yang’s words came from a public occasion in 2012. During the sensitive period of rumors about Xi Jinping’s resignation, the CCP’s handling of the situation is meaningful.

Will Wang Yang replace Hu Chunhua as general secretary? We need to continue to observe the changes in the CCP’s political situation. Okay, thank you.