伪装开明的汪洋，原乌坎乡村民庄鸿烈：汪洋原打算炸平乌坎

编者按：原文有删节

   长期以来，汪洋一直被人们视为团派中间，改革少壮，年轻有为，思想开放，被当作当今中共高层中少有的开明派；在广东省委书记任上，传说他主张温和手段处理乌坎事件，从而受到了一部分不明真相斗的人的追捧，更加声名显赫，俨然是首屈一指的中共改革派首领。但是经过仔细考证研究，以及相关人士的披露，我们逐渐发现，汪洋根本不是团派成员，而是彻头彻尾的习派嫡系势力，是李鹏朱镕基铁杆马仔，原安徽省委书记回良玉的心腹亲信，被屡次提拔，最终爬上常委宝座。

       在安徽时的汪洋

    据知情人讲，汪洋年轻时确实一把好手，头脑聪明，年轻有为，受到当时的安徽省委书记卢荣景的赏识，37岁时就当到了安徽铜陵市市长的高位。从1993年38岁开始，就步入副省级，开始任安徽省副省长。1994年陈云和李鹏特意安排原湖北省委副书记回良玉到安徽任省长，逐步过渡，为进一步高升打下基础。

       原副总理 回良玉

汪洋与之建立起极深厚的个人关系，受到了回良玉的欣赏和绝对信任，以仅仅40岁的年龄，升任省委副书记兼副省长，成为一人之下，万人之上的省内二号人物。回良玉于1999年调任大省江苏省委书记，加强资历，为晋升积累条件。而汪洋也表达了终生追随的意愿。回良玉为了自己今后到中央工作方便，也为了汪洋有更好的前途，回良玉请示时任总理朱镕基，把汪洋调到了国家计委副主任的位子上，让他熟悉中央情况，为进一步的晋升做好准备。

       汪洋与回良玉

    果然，担任三年江苏省委书记的回良玉，2003年回到北京，高升政治局委员，兼任温家宝内阁的副总理，从此开始了8年的国家领导人生涯。至此，汪洋终于和自己的老领导在北京胜利会师。为了方便，回良玉在2003年就任副总理后，调汪洋到国务院担任副秘书长，明确正部级，充当自己的左右手。汪洋废寝忘食，努力工作，为老领导效犬马之劳。这一切终于得到了丰厚回报， 2005年起汪洋任重庆市委书记，最终在2007年被提为政治局委员、广东省委书记，进入中共核心高层，直到19大上荣升常委。

       汪洋与回良玉

    所以，我们可以看出，汪洋的高升，与胡锦涛团派没有半毛钱关系。汪洋的任职，完全是由于朱镕基的提携，他才有今天担任中共常委的天命，这是中共裙带关系，任人唯亲的真实写照。

   留美异议人士、原乌坎村民庄烈宏先生，在谈到乌坎事件中，汪洋扮演的究竟是什么角色时说，汪洋在处理这一事件中，制定了血腥镇压的计划和周密部署。据庄先生披露，当时近万人的部队围住乌坎村，水泄不通，从部署情况看，村庄周围装备大量迫击炮、机枪等重武器，计划一旦开打，里外隔绝，炸平乌坎，杀尽乌坎人，以儆效尤。只不过后来汪洋得知，有上百名外国记者已经事先混入乌坎村中，与村民裹挟一起。如果开战，玉石俱焚，中共杀尽这一百多记者，会在国际上惹下大麻烦，才不得已改采温和手法，假意做出解决问题的姿态。但当记者撤走后，中共不但不解决村民的诉求，而且使用军事特殊手段，实行军管，把乌坎变成集中营，人间地狱。庄烈宏至今提起汪洋，痛斥他是刽子手，手上沾满了鲜血。

英文翻译

Zhuang Honglie, a former villager from Wukan: Wang Yang, who pretended to be enlightened, said: Wang Yang originally planned to bomb Wukan flat.

Editor's Note: The original text has been abridged.

For a long time, Wang Yang has been regarded as a young, promising, and open-minded reformist within the Youth League faction, considered one of the few enlightened figures in the current CCP leadership. During his tenure as Guangdong Provincial Party Secretary, it was rumored that he advocated for a moderate approach to the Wukan incident, which garnered him even more support from some uninformed individuals, further enhancing his reputation and making him appear as a leading figure of the CCP's reformist faction. However, after careful research and disclosures from relevant individuals, we have gradually discovered that Wang Yang is not a member of the Youth League faction at all, but rather a core member of Xi Jinping's faction, a staunch follower of Li Peng and Zhu Rongji, and a close confidant of Hui Liangyu, the former Anhui Provincial Party Secretary. He was repeatedly promoted and ultimately climbed to the Standing Committee.

Wang Yang in Anhui

According to insiders, Wang Yang was indeed a capable young man, intelligent and promising. He was appreciated by Lu Rongjing, then Secretary of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee, and became the mayor of Tongling City, Anhui Province, at the age of 37. From 1993, at the age of 38, he entered the vice-provincial level, becoming the Vice Governor of Anhui Province. In 1994, Chen Yun and Li Peng specially arranged for Hui Liangyu, the former Deputy Secretary of the Hubei Provincial Party Committee, to become the Governor of Anhui, gradually paving the way for further promotion.

Former Vice Premier Hui Liangyu

Wang Yang established a very deep personal relationship with him, gaining Hui Liangyu's appreciation and absolute trust. At only 40 years old, he was promoted to Deputy Secretary of the Provincial Party Committee and Vice Governor, becoming the second most powerful person in the province, second only to the Premier. In 1999, Hui Liangyu was transferred to the large province of Jiangsu as Secretary of the Provincial Party Committee to strengthen his seniority and accumulate conditions for promotion. Wang Yang also expressed his willingness to follow him for life. To facilitate his future work in the central government and to ensure a better future for Wang Yang, Hui Liangyu consulted with then-Premier Zhu Rongji and transferred Wang Yang to the position of Vice Chairman of the State Planning Commission. This allowed Wang Yang to familiarize himself with the central government and prepare for further promotion.

Wang Yang and Hui Liangyu

Sure enough, after serving as Secretary of the Jiangsu Provincial Party Committee for three years, Hui Liangyu returned to Beijing in 2003, rising to the position of Politburo member and concurrently serving as Vice Premier in Wen Jiabao's cabinet, thus beginning his eight-year career as a national leader. At this point, Wang Yang finally reunited with his former leader in Beijing. For convenience, after assuming the position of Vice Premier in 2003, Hui Liangyu transferred Wang Yang to the State Council as Deputy Secretary-General, a position equivalent to a ministerial level, making him his right-hand man. Wang Yang worked tirelessly, serving his former leader with utmost loyalty. All of this finally paid off handsomely. From 2005, Wang Yang served as Secretary of the Chongqing Municipal Party Committee, and finally in 2007, he was promoted to Politburo member and Secretary of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee, entering the core leadership of the CCP, until his promotion to the Standing Committee at the 19th National Congress. Wang Yang and Hui Liangyu

Therefore, we can see that Wang Yang's promotion had absolutely nothing to do with Hu Jintao's faction. Wang Yang's appointment was entirely due to Zhu Rongji's patronage; it was only through Zhu's influence that he was able to assume his current position on the Politburo Standing Committee. This is a true reflection of nepotism and favoritism within the CCP.

Mr. Zhuang Honglie, a dissident who studied in the US and a former resident of Wukan, said that Wang Yang devised a bloody plan and meticulously planned the crackdown in the Wukan incident. According to Mr. Zhuang, nearly 10,000 troops surrounded Wukan village, completely blocking its access. Judging from the deployment, the village was equipped with a large number of heavy weapons such as mortars and machine guns. The plan was to isolate the village from the outside world, bomb it flat, and kill all the people of Wukan as a warning to others. However, Wang Yang later learned that over a hundred foreign journalists had already infiltrated Wukan village and were being mingled with the villagers. He realized that if war broke out, everything would be destroyed, and the CCP killing all those journalists would cause serious international trouble. Therefore, he was forced to adopt a more moderate approach, feigning a desire to resolve the issue. But after the journalists withdrew, the CCP not only failed to address the villagers' demands but also used military force to impose martial law, turning Wukan into a concentration camp, a living hell. Zhuang Honglie still speaks of Wang Yang with vehement condemnation, calling him an executioner with blood on his hands.