胡锦涛出山接总书记，中央军民融合委员会办公室常务副主任邵新宇的派系分析。李克强是如何上位的？

 

胡锦涛出山接总书记，中央军民融合委员会办公室常务副主任邵新宇的派系分析。李克强是如何上位的？

大家好，这名网友说，
邵新宇从华中科技大学党委书记一步步升中央军民融合委员会办公室常务副主任，正部级，大包解读下他的派系？
我在推特和油管做了小调查，
为什么大家不喜欢释永信，这多八卦呀，
我们看邵新宇
首先邵新宇的级别比较高，正部级。中共一共300个正部级，
不算退休，这300个还包括人大政协二线，
一线的正部级根据不太准确的统计，只有120个左右，
就是省委书记，省长，国务院的部长，中共中央的正部级
邵新宇就是中共中央的正部级
中央军民融合发展委员会办公室常务副主任（正部级）
其实省委书记和省长，国务院的部长都有总书记的马仔。
但是中共中央直属的20个正部级
这是总书记手底下，最名正言顺的20个大马仔。
这都被人换了，这是怎么回事呢？

我们先说邵新宇的派系。
然后再说中共中央，总书记直接管的这20个正部级，都是什么派系。
就知道总书记是谁，或者说下一任总书记是谁？
卧榻之畔岂容他人酣睡。
就总书记手底下，这么20个人，都能被人换来换去，这是几个意思啊

首先这货会说英语，而且英语说的比袁家军还好一些。
因为他本来就是一个工程院院士，而且长期在高校工作，是个教授，博士生导师
华中科技大学党委书记。

这个人没法聊啊。一句话就说完了。
1986年8月，18岁的邵新宇在江苏省泰州市靖江县中学加入中国共产党，并被免试保送华中工学院机制专业，大学期间曾担任全国学联副主席、湖北省学联副主席、校学生会主席。全国学联是一个共匪组织，接受全国青联的领导，当时的青联主席是胡锦涛（1983年8月24日 – 1985年4月25日）
全国学联是中华全国青联联合会的会员组织。
也就是说，一开始胡锦涛就有可能是邵新宇的上级。但是呢，
刚好错开一年，邵新宇这个全国学联副主席的确是胡锦涛这个青联主席的下级。
但是时间线刚好错开一年。
表面上邵新宇和胡锦涛没有直接的联系，但是呢
1983年12月 – 1998年6月，李克强历任共青团书记处候补书记，1985年11月任书记处书记，1993年5月，任第一书记。
也就是说邵新宇担任共青团下属组织全国学联副主席的时候
李克强是共青团的中央书记处书记。胡锦涛在贵州当省委书记。

而且邵新宇是江苏省泰州市人，胡锦涛也是江苏省泰州市人。
邵新宇18岁到22岁上大学的时候，担任全国学联副主席，
就已经认识李克强了。
所以邵新宇18岁，已经注定要当正部级了。
2025年4月9日，57岁的邵新宇任中央军民融合发展委员会办公室常务副主任，晋升正部级。

邵新宇已经当了3个月正部级。
邵新宇和李克强胡锦涛的关系，绝对不是这么简单的事情。

我没有做人脸比对，有的还不相信人脸比对结果呢。
我们分析也能分析出来，邵新宇是胡锦涛家的亲戚。

这里面还有李克强是怎么上位的

邵新宇的职务是一个很敏感的职位，相当于半个军队的职位。
他本来就叫做军民融合，就是延续中共打游击战争的思路。
把人民当成肉盾

2022年11月，央视公开的影片显示，共军最近在郑州联勤保障中心利用民用船，进行了重装甲车和运兵车等各式军车装载演训。利用民船进行军事训练的趋势正有增无减。而这些民船属于国营中国远洋运输集团（COSCO），而它是中国最大的航运企业，也是全球大型海洋运输公司之一。中远每年成长强劲，拥有数量创纪录的民船。

•  模糊军民界限：使用民用车辆、船只或基础设施进行军事用途，可能导致敌方无法有效区分战斗人员与平民，增加误伤风险。
•  人民成“肉盾”：在战时，民用伪装可能被敌方视为合法打击目标，民众因此成为潜在牺牲品。
•  战略思维滞后：继续依赖游击战和全民动员的思路，忽视了现代战争对精确打击、技术优势和专业化部队的依赖，可能导致战术上的被动。
•  道义风险：将人民置于战斗前线，不仅可能引发国际社会对人权和战争伦理的质疑，也可能在舆论战中失去道德制高点。

共产党一贯就是这么不要脸，毫无道德底线。

我们看要说李克强的名场面
左边这张是李克强视察华中数控，华中数控应该就是华中科技大学的校企
右边这张就是李克强的名场面，拔人家硬盘。
李克强是什么时候视察华中科技大学的呢？

2008年4月7日，中共中央 政治局常委、国务院副总理、党组副书记李克强在湖北省委书记罗清泉，省长李鸿忠，省委副书记、武汉市委书记杨松，省委常委、秘书长李明波等省市领导的陪同下考察了华中科技大学的国家实验室。校党委书记朱玉泉、校长李培根陪同参观考察。

李克强对我校在倡导以加强人文素质教育为代表的教育理念、推进以华中数控为代表的科技成果转化和服务社会，以及加强学科交叉、承担以武汉光电国家实验室、脉冲强磁场重大 科学工程为代表的科技创新和实践，给予了高度评价。

李克强提到的这些实验室，我不知道有没有邵新宇，邵新宇是搞激光的，造汽车的。
大家注意李克强的中学同学苗玮也是造汽车，也是武汉的

然后梗来了，这是李克强的原话。

李克强在参观后表示：“80年代我来过原华工，今天是第二次到学校，这次给我留下了深刻的印象，祝愿华中科技大学今后再上一个台阶。”
李克强没有说具体的年份，应该就是1985年到1990年之间。

我们现在已知的事实就是1986年到1990年，李克强是邵新宇的上级，而且李克强还去了一趟邵新宇的学校。李克强自己说的原华工
当时叫做华中工学院。
李克强是不是1986年左右就跑到华中工学院去见邵新宇，
我们没法确定。

推测应该是

我们看时间线
2008年4月7日，副总理李克强考察了华中科技大学
2008年7月，40岁的邵新宇任华中科技大学副校长。

我们已知的信息，李克强在1986年和2008年分别以共青团中央书记处书记
和国务院副总理的身份，去了两次华中科技大学。

这个邵新宇是什么人，值得让李克强这么上心。
邵新宇是胡锦涛泰州老乡。

李克强怎么上位的，李克强天天跪舔他的干爹胡锦涛

据说胡锦涛乒乓球打得不错，但李克强的乒乓球打得更好，由于胡锦涛是上级，两人一起玩球时，李克强经常输，但他输得很有技巧，外人看不出李克强在让球，但胡锦涛知道，就常提醒他说：“ 你别让我，我们玩真的。”

胡锦涛2008年访问日本的时候，曾经公开和福原爱打过乒乓球。
从胡锦涛打乒乓球的姿势来看，当时他的身体状态还不错。

所以李克强陪胡锦涛打乒乓球这个段子也比较可信。

李克强两次提拔过邵新宇，其实是三次
2017年12月，49岁的邵新宇任华中科技大学党委书记（副部长级）。
副部级是总书记总理或者人大委员长决定的。

我们已知李克强起码提拔过邵新宇三次。

邵新宇是什么人，这么让李克强上心呢。

胡锦涛在高中阶段读书是很艰苦的，这从他写作文时用秃了的那支钢笔可以看出。胡锦涛即使做到了中共中央总书记仍然忘不了那个阶段的艰苦生活。每逢开学时，筹集学费和书本费也很困难。他读高一时，大妹读初一，小妹读小学三年级。父亲当时每个月的工资只有29元，幸好当时还能拿到定息。可是，靖江县季市镇、泰兴县黄桥镇的定息往往不能按时寄来，要自己去拿。

有一次，胡锦涛总书记在北京京西宾馆，听到宾馆办公室主任潘长春说家乡话，就问他是哪里人？潘长春回答说：“姜堰人。”总书记又问：“姜堰什么地方人？”潘长春回答说：“王石的。”总书记纠正说：“不对，应该叫王石沟。”王石沟是过去的老名字，现在已经合并到梁徐镇。这一小村庄，居然在总书记的脑海里留下了这么深刻的印象。

原来，1956年夏天，胡锦涛从姜堰步行去泰兴县黄桥镇取到期的定息。当他步行到王石沟车站时，已经走的很累了，离黄桥还有五六十里路。他身上只有3角多钱，不够买车票，只得坚持走下去。正巧，碰到一个推着小车去黄桥猪行卖肥猪的农民。

我们看这里面的信息，1956年胡锦涛家里很穷。
胡锦涛曾经不行走了五六十里去泰州市的泰兴县黄桥镇那定息。
我不知道定息是什么东西，是不是定期利息的意思。
另外一个地方，没说胡锦涛去过，但是也说会给胡锦涛家里寄定息。
胡锦涛有可能也去过靖江县季市镇
邵新宇是靖江市东兴镇人，这两个镇子相距29公里，大概30公里。

也就是说胡锦涛和邵新宇不是一个地级市老乡那么简单，差不多是一个县级市的老乡。
而且李克强对邵新宇这么上心 提拔了邵新宇3次
不止3次

邵新宇后期应该是李克强提拔的。
李克强对邵新宇这么上心，邵新宇大概率是李克强干爹胡锦涛的亲戚。

2021年9月，53岁的邵新宇任中国科技部副部长。

2022年9月，54岁的邵新宇任重返湖北，任湖北省人民政府党组成员、副省长，不再担任 科学技术部副部长职务。

这两步都是李克强提拔的。
证据是什么呢？

邵新宇担任湖北副省长和另外一个湖北副省长李乐成使用同一个大秘周勇。
李乐成我们分析过就是胡锦涛派系的。

李乐成和邵新宇先后担任湖北省副省长使用同一个大秘湖北省政府副秘书长周勇。
李乐成曾经担任过辽宁省长，李克强曾经担任过辽宁省委书记。
李乐成在辽宁的大秘曾经是李克强的下属。
李乐成担任工信部长，之前的工信部长苗圩就是李克强的中学同学。

邵新宇担任军民融合办常务副主任，正部级。
工信部和军民融合办，也很多业务联系。

李克强对邵新宇这么上心，邵新宇很可能是胡锦涛的亲戚
我们看中共中央一共是24个单位
中央驻港公署这是副部级，我们不说，我们只说正部级。
习近平就是不行只有20个部门，关系还没有理顺。
香港工委澳门工委和港澳办都是重复的。
中央金融委员会办公室和中央财办都是重复的，
完全没必要，习近平天天在胡搞。
去掉这4个，中共中央真的就只有20个部门。
本来这里面应该所有的人，都是习近平的人才对。
我们看石泰峰和姜信治是胡锦涛的人，中组部已经完全不在习近平控制了。
中央社会工作部，吴汉圣和李文章好像本来就不是习近平的人，我不太确定。
没有研究过
军民融合办常务副主任邵新宇是胡锦涛的人。
主任之前是韩正，应该是丁薛祥接任，但是没有任何丁薛祥接任的报道。
应该实际就是邵新宇主持工作。
中央港澳办徐启方，周霁都是胡锦涛的人。
中央和国家机关工委，常务副书记郭文奇是胡锦涛的人。胡春华的前下属提拔的。
孟祥锋好像是张德江的
人民日报的于绍良和陈建文是江派的
已经有11个人正部级不是习近平的人了。
蔡奇，李书磊，李干杰，陈文清，何立峰，王毅这6个人都是 政治局委员或者常委。
要四中全会才换。
其实也不一定，马兴瑞也是政治局委员，不就是说换就换吗？
中共中央20个部门大概30个正部级副国级，还有一个正国级的蔡奇。
11个不过习近平的人，
表面上看，还是习近平的人多，但是如果去掉政治局委员
习近平的人已经少于半数了。
习近平手底下他名义直接管的这20个部门，他都没法控股50%以上了。
已经是小股东了。
换上来的大部分是胡锦涛的人，
那只能胡锦涛出来接任总书记了。
要么让李克强打复活赛。要么胡锦涛指定一个代理人。

好的，谢谢大家。

英文翻译

Analysis of the factional affiliations of Shao Xinyu, Executive Deputy Director of the Office of the Central Commission for Integrated Military and Civilian Development, who took over as General Secretary of the Communist Party of China. How did Li Keqiang rise to power?

Hello everyone, this netizen said,

Shao Xinyu rose step by step from Party Secretary of Huazhong University of Science and Technology to Executive Deputy Director of the Office of the Central Commission for Integrated Military and Civilian Development, a ministerial-level position. Can you analyze his factional affiliations?

I conducted a small survey on Twitter and YouTube.

Why do people dislike Shi Yongxin? It’s so gossipy!

Let’s look at Shao Xinyu.

First of all, Shao Xinyu’s rank is relatively high, at the ministerial level. There are a total of 300 ministerial-level officials in the CCP.

Not counting retirees, these 300 also include second-tier positions in the National People’s Congress and the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference.

According to somewhat inaccurate statistics, there are only about 120 first-tier ministerial-level officials.

These are provincial Party secretaries, governors, ministers of the State Council, and ministers of the CCP Central Committee.

Shao Xinyu is a ministerial-level official of the CCP Central Committee.

Executive Deputy Director of the Office of the Central Commission for Integrated Military and Civilian Development (ministerial level).

In fact, provincial Party secretaries, governors, and ministers of the State Council all have the General Secretary’s cronies.

However, the 20 ministerial-level officials directly under the CCP Central Committee—these are the 20 most legitimate henchmen of the General Secretary.

These were all replaced. How did this happen?

Let’s first talk about Shao Xinyu’s faction.

Then let’s talk about the CCP Central Committee, and what factions these 20 ministerial-level officials directly under the General Secretary belong to.

This will tell you who the General Secretary is, or rather, who the next General Secretary will be.

“How can one allow others to sleep soundly beside one’s bed?”

These 20 people under the General Secretary can be replaced repeatedly. What does this mean?

First of all, this guy can speak English, and even better than Yuan Jiajun.

Because he was originally an academician of the Chinese Academy of Engineering, and worked in universities for a long time, as a professor and doctoral supervisor—the Party Secretary of Huazhong University of Science and Technology.

This person is impossible to talk to. It can be summed up in one sentence.

In August 1986, 18-year-old Shao Xinyu joined the Communist Party of China at Jingjiang County Middle School in Taizhou City, Jiangsu Province. He was admitted to the Mechanical Engineering Department of Huazhong University of Science and Technology without examination. During his university years, he served as Vice Chairman of the All-China Students’ Federation (ACSF), Vice Chairman of the Hubei Provincial Students’ Federation, and Chairman of the University Student Union. The ACSF is a Communist Party organization under the leadership of the All-China Youth Federation, whose chairman at the time was Hu Jintao (August 24, 1983 – April 25, 1985).

The ACSF is a member organization of the All-China Youth Federation.

That is to say, Hu Jintao could have been Shao Xinyu’s superior from the beginning. However, there is a one-year gap; Shao Xinyu, as Vice Chairman of the ACSF, was indeed subordinate to Hu Jintao, the chairman of the Youth Federation.

However, the timeline is exactly one year off. On the surface, Shao Xinyu and Hu Jintao have no direct connection. However, from December 1983 to June 1998, Li Keqiang served successively as an alternate secretary of the Secretariat of the Communist Youth League, becoming a secretary in November 1985, and the first secretary in May 1993.

This means that when Shao Xinyu served as vice chairman of the All-China Students’ Federation, an organization under the Communist Youth League,

Li Keqiang was a secretary of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League. Hu Jintao was the provincial party secretary of Guizhou.

Furthermore, Shao Xinyu is from Taizhou, Jiangsu Province, as is Hu Jintao.

When Shao Xinyu was 18 to 22 years old, he was serving as vice chairman of the All-China Students’ Federation,

and thus already knew Li Keqiang.

Therefore, Shao Xinyu was destined to become a ministerial-level official at the age of 18.

On April 9, 2025, at the age of 57, Shao Xinyu became the executive deputy director of the Office of the Central Commission for Integrated Military and Civilian Development, thus being promoted to ministerial level.

Shao Xinyu had already served as a ministerial-level official for three months.

The relationship between Shao Xinyu and Li Keqiang and Hu Jintao is definitely not as simple as it seems.

I didn’t do facial recognition, and some people don’t even believe the results.

Our analysis shows that Shao Xinyu is a relative of Hu Jintao.

There’s also the question of how Li Keqiang rose to power.

Shao Xinyu’s position is a very sensitive one, equivalent to half a military position.

His role was originally called “military-civilian integration,” which is essentially continuing the CCP’s guerrilla warfare strategy.

Using the people as human shields.

In November 2022, CCTV released footage showing that the PLA recently conducted training exercises at the Zhengzhou Joint Logistics Support Center using civilian vessels to load various military vehicles, including heavy armored vehicles and troop carriers. The trend of using civilian vessels for military training is increasing. These civilian vessels belong to the state-owned China Ocean Shipping Group (COSCO), China’s largest shipping company and one of the world’s largest ocean shipping companies. COSCO experiences strong annual growth and owns a record number of civilian vessels.

 Blurring the lines between military and civilian: Using civilian vehicles, ships, or infrastructure for military purposes may prevent the enemy from effectively distinguishing between combatants and civilians, increasing the risk of friendly fire.

 Using civilians as “human shields”: In wartime, civilian camouflage may be mistaken for legitimate targets by the enemy, making civilians potential victims.

 Outdated strategic thinking: Continuing to rely on guerrilla warfare and mass mobilization ignores the reliance of modern warfare on precision strikes, technological superiority, and specialized forces, potentially leading to tactical passivity.

 Moral risk: Placing civilians on the front lines may not only trigger international scrutiny of human rights and war ethics but also result in losing the moral high ground in the information war.

The Communist Party has always been shameless and has no moral bottom line.

Let’s look at some of Li Keqiang’s famous moments:

The left picture shows Li Keqiang inspecting Huazhong CNC, which is likely a university-affiliated enterprise of Huazhong University of Science and Technology.

The right picture shows Li Keqiang’s famous moment of pulling out someone’s hard drive.

When did Li Keqiang inspect Huazhong University of Science and Technology?

On April 7, 2008, Li Keqiang, member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, Vice Premier of the State Council, and Deputy Secretary of the Party Group, visited the national laboratories of Huazhong University of Science and Technology, accompanied by Luo Qingquan, Secretary of the Hubei Provincial Party Committee; Li Hongzhong, Governor of Hubei Province; Yang Song, Deputy Secretary of the Hubei Provincial Party Committee and Secretary of the Wuhan Municipal Party Committee; Li Mingbo, member of the Standing Committee of the Hubei Provincial Party Committee and Secretary-General of the Hubei Provincial Party Committee; and other provincial and municipal leaders. Zhu Yuquan, Secretary of the University Party Committee, and Li Peigen, President of the University, accompanied him on the visit.

Li Keqiang highly praised the university’s educational philosophy, which emphasizes strengthening humanities education; its efforts in promoting the transformation of scientific and technological achievements and serving society, exemplified by Huazhong Numerical Control; and its efforts in strengthening interdisciplinary collaboration and undertaking scientific and technological innovation and practice, exemplified by the Wuhan National Laboratory for Optoelectronics and the major scientific project of pulsed strong magnetic field.

Among the laboratories mentioned by Li Keqiang, I don’t know if Shao Xinyu was among them. Shao Xinyu works in lasers and automobile manufacturing.

Note that Li Keqiang’s high school classmate, Miao Wei, also works in automobile manufacturing and is also from Wuhan.

Then here’s the joke: these are Li Keqiang’s original words.

After his visit, Li Keqiang said, “I visited the former Huazhong University of Science and Technology (HUST) in the 1980s. This is my second visit, and it has left a deep impression on me. I wish HUST continued success in the future.” Li Keqiang did not specify the year, but it should be between 1985 and 1990.

What we do know is that from 1986 to 1990, Li Keqiang was Shao Xinyu’s superior, and he also visited Shao Xinyu’s school. The former HUST, as Li Keqiang himself referred to it, was then called Huazhong Institute of Technology.

Whether Li Keqiang actually visited Huazhong Institute of Technology to meet Shao Xinyu around 1986 is uncertain.

Scientific speculation suggests it was…

Looking at the timeline: April 7, 2008, Vice Premier Li Keqiang inspected HUST; July 2008, 40-year-old Shao Xinyu became Vice President of HUST.

According to our known information, Li Keqiang visited Huazhong University of Science and Technology twice, in 1986 as Secretary of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League and in 2008 as Vice Premier of the State Council.

Who is this Shao Xinyu that Li Keqiang is so concerned about?

Shao Xinyu is a fellow townsman of Hu Jintao from Taizhou.

How did Li Keqiang rise to power? He constantly fawned over his “godfather,” Hu Jintao.

It is said that Hu Jintao was a good table tennis player, but Li Keqiang was even better. Because Hu Jintao was his superior, Li Keqiang often lost when they played together, but he lost skillfully. Outsiders couldn’t tell that Li Keqiang was letting them win, but Hu Jintao knew and often reminded him, “Don’t let me win, we’re playing for real.”

When Hu Jintao visited Japan in 2008, he publicly played table tennis with Ai Fukuhara.

Judging from Hu Jintao’s table tennis posture, his physical condition was quite good at the time.

Therefore, the anecdote of Li Keqiang playing ping-pong with Hu Jintao is quite believable.

Li Keqiang promoted Shao Xinyu twice, actually three times.

In December 2017, 49-year-old Shao Xinyu became the Party Secretary of Huazhong University of Science and Technology (vice-ministerial level).

Vice-ministerial level appointments are decided by the General Secretary, Premier, or Chairman of the National People’s Congress.

We know that Li Keqiang promoted Shao Xinyu at least three times.

Who is Shao Xinyu that Li Keqiang cares so much about?

Hu Jintao’s high school years were very difficult, as can be seen from the worn-out pen he used when writing essays. Even after becoming General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, Hu Jintao still remembers the hardships of that period. Raising tuition and book fees was very difficult at the beginning of each school year. When he was in his first year of high school, his older sister was in her first year of junior high school, and his younger sister was in the third grade of elementary school. His father’s monthly salary was only 29 yuan, fortunately, they still received fixed interest. However, the fixed interest payments from Jishi Town in Jingjiang County and Huangqiao Town in Taixing County often didn’t arrive on time, requiring the recipient to collect them personally.

Once, General Secretary Hu Jintao, while at the Jingxi Hotel in Beijing, heard the hotel’s office director, Pan Changchun, speaking in his hometown dialect. He asked where Pan was from. Pan replied, “Jiangyan.” The General Secretary then asked, “Where in Jiangyan?” Pan answered, “Wangshi.” The General Secretary corrected him, saying, “No, it should be called Wangshigou.” Wangshigou was an old name, now merged into Liangxu Town. This small village had left such a deep impression on the General Secretary. (Geographical reference information)

It turns out that in the summer of 1956, Hu Jintao walked from Jiangyan to Huangqiao Town in Taixing County to collect his overdue fixed interest payments. When he reached the Wangshigou bus station, he was exhausted, still fifty or sixty li (about 25-30 kilometers) from Huangqiao. He only had a little over 3 jiao (about 10 cents) on him, not enough for a ticket, but he had to keep going. Just then, he encountered a farmer pushing a cart to sell fat pigs at the Huangqiao pig market.

Looking at the information here, Hu Jintao’s family was very poor in 1956.

Hu Jintao once walked 50-60 li (approximately 25-30 kilometers) to Huangqiao Town, Taixing County, Taizhou City, to receive fixed-interest payments.

I don’t know what “fixed-interest payments” means; does it mean regular interest?

Another place, not mentioned that Hu Jintao went there, but it is said that fixed-interest payments would be sent to his family.

Hu Jintao may have also visited Jishi Town, Jingjiang County.

Shao Xinyu is from Dongxing Town, Jingjiang City. These two towns are about 29-30 kilometers apart.

In other words, Hu Jintao and Shao Xinyu are not simply from the same prefecture-level city; they are more like from the same county-level city.

Furthermore, Li Keqiang was very attentive to Shao Xinyu, promoting him three times.

More than three times.

Shao Xinyu’s later promotions were likely due to Li Keqiang’s influence.

Li Keqiang’s attentiveness to Shao Xinyu strongly suggests that Shao Xinyu is a relative of Hu Jintao, Li Keqiang’s godfather.

In September 2021, 53-year-old Shao Xinyu was appointed Vice Minister of Science and Technology.

In September 2022, 54-year-old Shao Xinyu returned to Hubei Province, serving as a member of the Hubei Provincial People’s Government Party Group and Vice Governor, no longer serving as Vice Minister of Science and Technology.

Both of these appointments were promoted by Li Keqiang.

What is the evidence?

Shao Xinyu, as Vice Governor of Hubei, and another Hubei Vice Governor, Li Lecheng, shared the same chief secretary, Zhou Yong.

We have analyzed that Li Lecheng is part of Hu Jintao’s faction.

Li Lecheng and Shao Xinyu, both serving as Vice Governors of Hubei Province, shared the same chief secretary, Zhou Yong, Deputy Secretary-General of the Hubei Provincial Government.

Li Lecheng previously served as Governor of Liaoning Province, while Li Keqiang previously served as Secretary of the Liaoning Provincial Party Committee.

Li Lecheng’s chief secretary in Liaoning was once Li Keqiang’s subordinate.

Li Lecheng served as Minister of Industry and Information Technology; the previous Minister of Industry and Information Technology, Miao Wei, was Li Keqiang’s high school classmate.

Shao Xinyu served as Executive Deputy Director of the Office of Military-Civilian Integration, a ministerial-level position.

The Ministry of Industry and Information Technology and the Office of Military-Civilian Integration also have many business connections.

Li Keqiang’s attention to Shao Xinyu suggests that Shao Xinyu is likely a relative of Hu Jintao.

We see that the CCP Central Committee has a total of 24 units.

The Office of the Commissioner of the Central People’s Government in Hong Kong is at the vice-ministerial level, but we won’t discuss that; we’ll only mention the ministerial level.

Xi Jinping is simply ineffective, with only 20 departments, and the relationships haven’t been straightened out.

The Hong Kong Working Committee, the Macao Working Committee, and the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office are redundant.

The Office of the Central Financial and Economic Affairs Commission and the Central Financial and Economic Affairs Commission are also redundant.

Completely unnecessary; Xi Jinping is constantly making things up.

Removing these four, the CCP Central Committee really only has 20 departments.

Originally, everyone in these should be Xi Jinping’s people.

We see that Shi Taifeng and Jiang Xinzhi are Hu Jintao’s people, and the Organization Department is completely out of Xi Jinping’s control.

The Central Social Work Department, Wu Hansheng and Li Wenzhang, seem not to have originally been Xi Jinping’s people; I’m not entirely sure.

I haven’t researched this. Shao Xinyu, the executive deputy director of the Office of Military-Civilian Integration, is Hu Jintao’s person.

The previous director was Han Zheng, and Ding Xuexiang was supposed to succeed him, but there have been no reports of Ding Xuexiang taking over.

In reality, Shao Xinyu is in charge.

Xu Qifang and Zhou Ji of the Central Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office are both Hu Jintao’s people.

Guo Wenqi, the executive deputy secretary of the Central and State Organs Working Committee, is also Hu Jintao’s person. He was promoted from a former subordinate of Hu Chunhua.

Meng Xiangfeng seems to be Zhang Dejiang’s person.

Yu Shaoliang and Chen Jianwen of the People’s Daily are from the Jiang faction.

There are already 11 ministerial-level officials who are not Xi Jinping’s people.

Cai Qi, Li Shulei, Li Ganjie, Chen Wenqing, He Lifeng, and Wang Yi are all members of the Politburo or the Standing Committee.

They will be replaced at the Fourth Plenary Session.

Actually, it’s not certain. Ma Xingrui is also a member of the Politburo, and he was replaced just like that.

There are about 30 ministerial-level and vice-state-level officials in the 20 departments of the CPC Central Committee, plus one state-level official, Cai Qi.

Of the 11 people who are no match for Xi Jinping,

on the surface, it seems Xi Jinping still has more people, but if you remove the Politburo members,

Xi Jinping’s people are less than half.

He no longer holds more than 50% control of the 20 departments he nominally oversees.

He’s already a minority shareholder.

Most of those replaced are Hu Jintao’s people,

so Hu Jintao has to take over as General Secretary.

Either Li Keqiang has to play a comeback role, or Hu Jintao appoints a proxy. Politics.

Okay, thank you everyone.