习重拾李克强棚改2.0。胡海峰接班？高调出席活动。习仲勋金主王众孚秘书，唱红打黑总后台秘书韩松被抓。7常委合影倒数
习重拾李克强棚改2.0。胡海峰接班？高调出席活动。习仲勋金主王众孚秘书，唱红打黑总后台秘书韩松被抓。7常委合影倒数
大家好，
中央城市工作会议7月14日至15日在北京举行。7常委集体出席。
我突然有一种感觉，就这7个人原版，我不知道这是第几张。
他们上一次集体出来是半个月前的政治局会议的集体学习。
他们7个人，都不换人，还能这样合影。我觉得应该是倒数了。
不知道他们7个人还能有几次合影，应该不超过5次了。
中共自1949年建政以来，以中央名义召开的全国城市工作会议一共有四次
1.1962年9月：首次会议，聚焦城市定位及集中管理逻辑
2.1963年10月：第二次，继续明确城市功能与城乡关系
3.1978年3月：第三次会议，主题为筹资与规划引导新一轮城镇化
4.2015年12月：时隔37年再度召开，系统部署“治理城市病”“城市更新”“空间界限”等议题
这张照片也挺有意思的，为什么他们能同框呢？
陈敏尔是江泽民派系的。
赵克志是习近平派系的。
李克强是胡锦涛派系的。
所以这张照片也有意思的，赵克志这个谄媚劲儿也挺逗的。
此次会议聚焦“棚改2.0”与城市更新，所谓棚改2.0，其实就是进一步扩大城中村改造和城市更新规模。与2015年时中央城市工作会议定位类似，此次可能将“城市更新”“棚改”再次提升至全国战略。
棚改有很强的一个李克强的标签在。
昔日李克强时代棚改虽然惠及一部分群体，也遭到批评“推动房地产上涨”“拆迁补偿不公平”等质疑。
其实还是分蛋糕的问题。
说白了还是政府干预经济。
我对这种大政府的政策不感冒。
可是，中国现在的显示可能是，政府不干预，似乎就没有招了。
干预了也未必有什么起色。
这个我最早分析派系的时候我就说，
朱镕基是习近平派系的，朱镕基以改革著称，所谓懂经济。
这么多年就是朱镕基的团队在给习近平打理经济。
最后该崩溃还是要崩溃。
现在换个派系，能不能把中国的经济救回来呢？
因为棚改已经深深的打上了李克强的标签。
习近平为什么要把李克强的政策又重新捡起来呢？
所以只能说李强要搞。
本来这个政策棚改2.0能不能把中国经济恢复了都两说。
其实从心态上来说，固本培元是李强的专有名词。
如果是一锤子买卖，那肯定就要下重手了。
李强固本培元的意思，表达心态就是中国经济现在想救也难
慢慢来。
就是出台政策，可能也救不回中国的经济。
中国经济可能还要恶化。政策留出空间，明年继续用。
从李强的心态来看，他可能要干下去 。
新华社的通稿，没有习核心，没有2442，只有习思想。
就按照我的总结三大元素，套就可以了。
3天之前，新华社发了一个通稿。
走出一条中国特色城市发展道路——以习近平同志为核心的党中央引领城市工作纪实
又臭又长，8000多字。
这里面复读了4次习核心，但是没有提习思想和2442。
现在新华社的把握的调子，很难给习近平把三大元素都说满。
还加上复读几遍。
如果看三中全会之前，全部都是给习近平把三大元素说满，
还要复读好几遍。
现在不可同日而语了。
7月10日，“少年儿童心向党 携手护航促成长”2025年暑期儿童关爱服务活动在北京正式开启。国务委员、全国妇联主席谌贻琴出席仪式并宣布活动启动。
2025暑期儿童关爱服务活动由全国妇联等16个单位联合部署开展。中央网信办副主任牛一兵、最高人民法院副院长高晓力、最高人民检察院副检察长宫鸣、教育部副部长杜江峰、公安部副部长杨维林、民政部副部长胡海峰、司法部副部长胡卫列、国家卫生健康委副主任郭燕红、国家体育总局副局长张家胜、全国妇联副主席林怡、中国关工委常务副主任鲁勇、应急管理部总工程师李晓东、国家疾控局副局长夏刚、国家消防救援局副局长宋树欣、共青团中央书记处书记王艺、全国妇联书记处书记马列坚，以及家长儿童代表等约100余人参加活动。
这一堆官员，估计没有人认识他们是谁。
我们看胡海峰排得很靠后，虽然都是副部级。
但是胡海峰的排名在后面。
而且这是7月10日的新闻，压了4天，才被中宣部放出来。
因为7月9日，胡海峰在新疆出席会议。
第2天胡海峰就回到了北京参加
2025年暑期儿童关爱服务活动
然后压了4天才把这个新闻发出来。
说明胡海峰连续两天有活动上了新闻报道。
所以这都是中宣部在控制，在释放信号，
为什么每天都有梗呢？
这都是他们放出的消息
就是每天不放点习近平权力动摇的消息，他们就不爽啊。
中宣部操控信息流，可能通过胡海峰的新闻暗示习近平权力受限，为四中全会铺垫。
这名网友说，
包包我感覺最近都沒有勁爆的新聞出來，是不是暴風雨來臨的前奏😂
我的回复是这个最近的确有这种说法，说是，大战前的寂静。
同样是这7个人的大合影，应该是没有几次。
就等着大结局呢。
陕西省西安市人大常委会党组书记、主任韩松涉嫌严重违纪违法，目前正接受中央纪委国家监委纪律审查和监察调查。
韩松曾任国务院办公厅秘书二局二组主任科员、二秘（副处级）、副组长（正处级）、二处副处长（正处级）、一秘兼副处长（正处级）
这个韩松不知道是谁的秘书，可能就是朱镕基本人的秘书。
因为韩松的时间线也删掉了，推测就是朱镕基担任总理期间。
反正当时的国务院总理和副总理，一共就那么几个人秘书二局是负责经济工作的。
反正要么是朱镕基，要么是吴邦国，李岚清或者姜春云
应该不是温家宝。
因为韩松后面的官员也不是温家宝派系的，
就是朱镕基习近平派系的。
然后韩松担任国家工商总局办公厅副主任、宣传中心常务副主任，
国家工商总局宣传中心主任、办公厅副主任（正司长级）
当时的国家工商总局局长是王众孚（1994年 – 2006年10月）
我们网上的说法
又一个隐藏很深的习家军，今天突然落马了。山西省长金湘军前天4月10日仍在主持省常务会议。
传闻金湘军是原国家工商总局局长王众孚的亲信。1990年王众孚在深圳市担任常务副市长时，对习仲勋非常照顾，因此习家对王众孚很感激，习近平弟弟习远平与王众孚关系密切。所以王家的人马得到习家重用。
独家批露金湘军的背景。籍籍无名的金湘军接任了山西省长，很多人大吃一惊，不明所以。其实，金湘军也是边缘习派。金湘军从升任副部，走的是王众孚的路子，王众孚是原深圳三把手，习近平爸爸在深圳时颇受其照顾。后期中央断掉了习仲勋的经费，王众孚拍板由深圳负责，习家视王众孚为恩人。习近平定期去看王众孚。金湘军此后与白习近平建立了关系。
现在金湘军都抓了，大外宣怎么自圆其说啊。
2006年3月至2008年6月，41岁的韩松任陕西省西安市政府副市长、党组成员。当时的西安市委书记是 袁纯清（2004年1月 – 2006年7月），孙清云（2006年7月 – 2012年6月）
孙清云是姜春云的秘书，
姜春云，金人庆，张育军3个人死在了同一天，死在了2021年8月28日北戴河会议的结束的这一天。
又是8，胡锦涛就喜欢带8的日子。
死了也没用，死了马仔也要被抓。
总结一下陕西省西安市人大常委会党组书记、主任韩松
韩松在国务院的时候，可能是朱镕基的秘书。
韩松去工商总局给当时的局长王众孚当大秘。
王众孚担任深圳市常务副市长的时候，据说保障了习仲勋的退休经费，民脂民膏拿来送人情。
据说金湘军也是走王众孚的关系，也被抓了。
韩松担任西安副市长的时候。
西安市委书记孙清云是姜春云的秘书。
姜春云，金人庆，张育军3个人死在了同一天，死在了2021年8月28日北戴河会议的结束的这一天。姜春云是朱镕基总理干到一半的时候，把姜春云提拔的副总理的。
孙清云在2015年11月被免职，留党察看两年。当时的习近平还掌权，力保朱镕基的马仔。
韩松的时间线就能看出端倪
韩松在王众孚退休前7个月就去了西安。
孙清云到位，担任西安市委书记之前4个月，韩松就到了西安。
也就是说韩松提前4个月知道姜春云的秘书孙清云将要担任西安市委书记。
2006年除了朱镕基，谁还有这么大本事呢？
所以这名网友说，暴风雨来临前的前奏
我不知道啊。要么送习近平进秦城，要么送朱镕基进秦城，要么送王岐山进秦城。
就这么几个人。
就看看最后他们有没有进秦城的。
好的，谢谢大家。
英文翻译
Xi Jinping revives Li Keqiang’s shantytown renovation 2.0. Hu Haifeng to succeed him? High-profile appearance at an event. Han Song, secretary to Wang Zhongfu, Xi Zhongxun’s financial backer, and the chief secretary behind the “Singing Red Songs and Cracking Down on Gangs” campaign, arrested. Countdown to the final group photo of the 7 Standing Committee members.
Hello everyone, the Central Urban Work Conference was held in Beijing from July 14th to 15th. All 7 Standing Committee members attended.
I suddenly have a feeling that these are the original 7 people; I don’t know which photo this is.
The last time they appeared together was at a Politburo meeting for a collective study session half a month ago.
These 7 people, without any changes, can still take a group photo like this. I think it must be the last one.
I wonder how many more times these 7 people will take a group photo; probably no more than 5.
Since the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, the CCP has convened four national urban work conferences in the name of the Central Committee:
- September 1962: The first conference, focusing on urban positioning and the logic of centralized management.
- October 1963: The second conference, further clarifying urban functions and the relationship between urban and rural areas.
- March 1978: The third conference, themed on fundraising and planning to guide a new round of urbanization.
- December 2015: Held again after 37 years, systematically deploying issues such as “addressing urban problems,” “urban renewal,” and “spatial boundaries.”
This photo is quite interesting; why are they in the same frame?
Chen Min’er is from Jiang Zemin’s faction.
Zhao Kezhi is from Xi Jinping’s faction.
Li Keqiang is from Hu Jintao’s faction.
So this photo is interesting; Zhao Kezhi’s obsequious manner is quite amusing. Xi Jinping Biography
This meeting focused on “Shantytown Renovation 2.0” and urban renewal. “Shantytown Renovation 2.0” essentially means further expanding the scale of urban village renovation and urban renewal. Similar to the positioning of the Central Urban Work Conference in 2015, this meeting may elevate “urban renewal” and “shantytown renovation” to a national strategy again.
Shantytown renovation carries a strong Li Keqiang label.
While shantytown renovation during Li Keqiang’s era benefited some groups, it also faced criticism for “driving up real estate prices” and “unfair compensation for demolition.”
It’s essentially a matter of distributing the spoils.
Frankly, it’s still government intervention in the economy.
I’m not a fan of this kind of big-government policy.
However, the current situation in China seems to be that without government intervention, there seems to be no other way.
Even with intervention, there may not be any significant improvement.
I mentioned this when I first analyzed factions:
Zhu Rongji belongs to Xi Jinping’s faction. Zhu Rongji is known for his reforms and is supposedly knowledgeable about economics.
For many years, it has been Zhu Rongji’s team managing the economy for Xi Jinping.
Ultimately, the collapse will still occur.
Now, can a different faction save China’s economy?
Because the shantytown redevelopment program is deeply branded with Li Keqiang’s influence.
Why is Xi Jinping reviving Li Keqiang’s policies?
So, it can only be said that Li Qiang is determined to implement them.
Even this “shantytown redevelopment 2.0” policy is questionable in its ability to revive the Chinese economy.
In fact, from a psychological perspective, “strengthening the foundation and cultivating the source” is a term specific to Li Qiang.
If it’s a one-off deal, then he’ll definitely use drastic measures.
Li Qiang’s “strengthening the foundation and cultivating the source” expresses the mindset that saving the Chinese economy is difficult now, and that things should be done slowly.
Even if policies are introduced, they may not be able to save the Chinese economy.
The Chinese economy may even worsen. Policies are being left open for future use next year.
Judging from Li Qiang’s mindset, he may be determined to continue.
The Xinhua News Agency’s press release didn’t mention Xi Jinping as the core leader or the “2442” strategy; it only mentioned Xi Jinping Thought.
Just apply my summary of the three key elements.
Three days ago, Xinhua News Agency released a press release.
“Forging a Path of Urban Development with Chinese Characteristics—A Chronicle of the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its Core Leading Urban Work”
It was long and tedious, over 8,000 words.
It repeated “Xi Jinping as the core” four times, but didn’t mention Xi Jinping Thought or the “2442” principle.
Now, Xinhua News Agency’s tone makes it difficult to fully explain Xi Jinping’s three key elements.
They even repeat them several times.
Before the Third Plenary Session, they always fully explained Xi Jinping’s three key elements,
and repeated them several times.
Now it’s a completely different story.
On July 10th, the “Children’s Hearts Turn to the Party, Joining Hands to Protect and Promote Growth” 2025 Summer Children’s Care Service Activity officially launched in Beijing. State Councilor and President of the All-China Women’s Federation, Chen Yiqin, attended the ceremony and announced the launch of the activity.
The 2025 Summer Children’s Care Service Activity is jointly deployed and carried out by 16 units including the All-China Women’s Federation. The event was attended by approximately 100 people, including Niu Yibing, Deputy Director of the Cyberspace Administration of China; Gao Xiaoli, Vice President of the Supreme People’s Court; Gong Ming, Deputy Procurator-General of the Supreme People’s Procuratorate; Du Jiangfeng, Vice Minister of Education; Yang Weilin, Vice Minister of Public Security; Hu Haifeng, Vice Minister of Civil Affairs; Hu Weilie, Vice Minister of Justice; Guo Yanhong, Vice Minister of the National Health Commission; Zhang Jiasheng, Vice Minister of the State General Administration of Sport; Lin Yi, Vice President of the All-China Women’s Federation; Lu Yong, Executive Vice Chairman of the China National Working Committee for the Care of Children; Li Xiaodong, Chief Engineer of the Ministry of Emergency Management; Xia Gang, Deputy Director of the National Center for Disease Control and Prevention; Song Shuxin, Deputy Director of the National Fire and Rescue Administration; Wang Yi, Secretary of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Communist Youth League; Ma Liejian, Secretary of the Secretariat of the All-China Women’s Federation; and representatives of parents and children.
Of all these officials, probably no one recognizes them.
We see that Hu Haifeng is listed quite low, even though they are all at the vice-ministerial level.
However, Hu Haifeng’s ranking is low.
Moreover, this news is from July 10th, and it was suppressed for four days before being released by the Central Propaganda Department.
Because on July 9th, Hu Haifeng attended a meeting in Xinjiang. The next day, Hu Haifeng returned to Beijing to participate in the 2025 Summer Children’s Care Service Activities. Then, it took four days to release the news.
This indicates that Hu Haifeng had activities reported in the news for two consecutive days.
So this is all controlled by the Central Propaganda Department, releasing signals.
Why are there so many news stories every day?
These are all messages they release.
They’re not happy unless they release some news about Xi Jinping’s power being shaken. (Xi Jinping biography)
The Central Propaganda Department manipulates the information flow, possibly using the news about Hu Haifeng to imply that Xi Jinping’s power is limited, paving the way for the Fourth Plenary Session.
This netizen said, “I feel like there haven’t been any explosive news stories lately. Is this the prelude to a storm? 😂” My reply was that there has indeed been such a saying recently, that it’s the calm before the storm.
The same group photo of these seven people is probably rare.
Just waiting for the finale.
Han Song, Party Secretary and Director of the Standing Committee of the Xi’an Municipal People’s Congress in Shaanxi Province, is suspected of serious violations of discipline and law and is currently under disciplinary review and supervisory investigation by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and the National Supervisory Commission.
Han Song previously served as a staff member, second secretary (deputy division chief level), deputy group leader (division chief level), deputy director of the second division (division chief level), and first secretary and deputy director (division chief level) of the second bureau of the General Office of the State Council.
It is unclear whose secretary Han Song was, but he may have been Zhu Rongji’s personal secretary.
Because Han Song’s timeline has been deleted, it is speculated that it occurred during Zhu Rongji’s tenure as Premier.
Anyway, at that time, the Second Bureau of the General Office of the State Council, which was responsible for economic work, consisted of only a handful of people, including the Premier and Vice Premiers.
It was either Zhu Rongji, Wu Bangguo, Li Lanqing, or Jiang Chunyun.
It was probably not Wen Jiabao.
Because the officials following Han Song were not from Wen Jiabao’s faction,
they were from the Zhu Rongji-Xi Jinping faction.
Then Han Song served as Deputy Director of the General Office and Executive Deputy Director of the Publicity Center of the State Administration for Industry and Commerce (SAIC).
Director of the Publicity Center and Deputy Director of the General Office (at the level of Director-General) of the SAIC.
The then Director of the SAIC was Wang Zhongfu (1994 – October 2006).
According to online sources, another deeply hidden member of Xi Jinping’s faction has suddenly fallen from grace. Shanxi Governor Jin Xiangjun was still presiding over a provincial executive meeting on April 10th.
Rumors suggest that Jin Xiangjun is a close confidant of former SAIC Director Wang Zhongfu. In 1990, when Wang Zhongfu served as Executive Vice Mayor of Shenzhen, he took great care of Xi Zhongxun, for which the Xi family was very grateful. Xi Jinping’s younger brother, Xi Yuanping, also had a close relationship with Wang Zhongfu. Therefore, members of the Wang family were highly valued by the Xi family.
Exclusive revelation of Jin Xiangjun’s background. The relatively unknown Jin Xiangjun’s appointment as Governor of Shanxi Province surprised many, who were puzzled. In fact, Jin Xiangjun was also a marginal member of the Xi faction. Jin Xiangjun rose to the rank of vice-minister by following the path of Wang Zhongfu, the former third-in-command of Shenzhen, who had provided significant support to Xi Jinping’s father when he was in Shenzhen. Later, when the central government cut off funding to Xi Zhongxun, Wang Zhongfu decided to have Shenzhen take over, and the Xi family considers Wang Zhongfu their benefactor. Xi Jinping regularly visits Wang Zhongfu. Jin Xiangjun subsequently established a relationship with Xi Jinping.
Now that Jin Xiangjun has been arrested, how can the official propaganda apparatus reconcile this?
From March 2006 to June 2008, 41-year-old Han Song served as Vice Mayor and Party Member of the Xi’an Municipal Government in Shaanxi Province. The then-Secretary of the Xi’an Municipal Committee were Yuan Chunqing (January 2004 – July 2006) and Sun Qingyun (July 2006 – June 2012).
Sun Qingyun was Jiang Chunyun’s secretary.
Jiang Chunyun, Jin Renqing, and Zhang Yujun all died on the same day, August 28, 2021, the day the Beidaihe meeting ended.
It’s the number 8 again; Hu Jintao seems to like days with the number 8.
Death is useless; even if they die, their cronies will still be arrested.
To summarize, Han Song, Secretary of the Party Group and Director of the Standing Committee of the Xi’an Municipal People’s Congress, Shaanxi Province:
When Han Song was in the State Council, he was likely Zhu Rongji’s secretary.
Han Song went to the State Administration for Industry and Commerce to serve as the chief secretary to Wang Zhongfu, the then director.
When Wang Zhongfu was the Executive Vice Mayor of Shenzhen, it is said that he ensured Xi Zhongxun’s retirement expenses, using public funds to curry favor.
It is said that Jin Xiangjun also used Wang Zhongfu’s connections and was also arrested.
When Han Song was serving as Vice Mayor of Xi’an.
Sun Qingyun, the Party Secretary of Xi’an, was Jiang Chunyun’s secretary.
Jiang Chunyun, Jin Renqing, and Zhang Yujun all died on the same day, August 28, 2021, the day the Beidaihe meeting ended. Jiang Chunyun was promoted to Vice Premier by Zhu Rongji halfway through his term.
Sun Qingyun was dismissed in November 2015 and placed on probation within the Party for two years. At that time, Xi Jinping was still in power and actively protected Zhu Rongji’s cronies. (See Xi Jinping’s biography.)
Han Song’s timeline reveals clues:
Han Song went to Xi’an seven months before Wang Zhongfu retired.
Han Song arrived in Xi’an four months before Sun Qingyun took office as Party Secretary.
In other words, Han Song knew four months in advance that Jiang Chunyun’s secretary, Sun Qingyun, would become the Party Secretary of Xi’an.
In 2006, besides Zhu Rongji, who else had such power?
So this netizen said, “The prelude to the storm”
I don’t know. Either send Xi Jinping to Qincheng Prison, or send Zhu Rongji to Qincheng Prison, or send Wang Qishan to Qincheng Prison.
Just a few people.
Let’s see if they end up in Qincheng Prison.
Okay, thank you everyone.
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