王小洪传言接班人尹弘的派系分析，宁夏刘慧和贾庆林的关系。习近平最后的刀把子也将被拿下，姐夫邓家贵在江西的稀土生意

 

王小洪传言接班人尹弘的派系分析，宁夏刘慧和贾庆林的关系。习近平最后的刀把子也将被拿下，姐夫邓家贵在江西的稀土生意

大家好，
我做了一个小投票，推特和油管的用户群还不太一样
还有一定的认知差距。
推特的用户想听南怀瑾如果帮习近平上位。
48%对40%，高8个百分点
油管的用户想听，传言要接替王小洪的尹弘的派系。
51%对37%，高14百分点。
一正一反，差20%。
加起来，也是王小洪的接班人这个票数多。
其实，我想说，南怀瑾帮习近平上位的事情。
我没有什么倾向，我纯粹是技术性原因。
我想说南怀瑾只是因为这个案例比较清晰，我调查的七七八八了。
尹弘，我只调查了一半，但是也能看出端倪了。
大不了，再搜再查，再做一期节目。

我先说大家都不感兴趣的刘慧。
大家都不感兴趣，我就不深入调查了。往后排吧。
我们就一带而过。
这名网友说，
刘慧，前宁夏省政府头目，是谁的马仔? 她刚刚被查了
这名网友回复
贾庆林
这名网友说，
刘慧谁的人？
这名网友说，
宁夏前主席刘慧被查，大包分析一下
我的回复是
刘慧在北京挂职时的北京市委书记是贾庆林
这名网友说，
现在退休年纪还能搞个位置养老的基本都十万克人，不要分析！

1999年5月至11月，39岁的刘慧在北京市丰台区挂职锻炼，担任区委副书记。当时的北京市委书记是贾庆林（1998年8月 – 2002年11月）。北京市长是刘淇（1999年2月6日 – 2003年1月19日）
贾庆林一共才当了4年北京市委书记，刘慧都能卡着贾庆林去北京挂职。

2003年1月，44岁的刘慧升任宁夏回族自治区人民政府副主席。
2013年4月23日，宁夏回族自治区第十一届人大第二次会议，任命54岁的刘慧为自治区人民政府主席。
这个时间线够完美的吧，胡温正式上位之前，刘慧担任宁夏副主席，副部级。
胡温下台之后，刘慧升任正部级。

刘慧时间线和吴英杰一样。副部级和正部级，刚好一个在胡温上位之前，一个在胡温上位之后。
为什么这么巧，刘慧刚好避过了胡温的任期，这是巧合吗？
胡温干了10年，他们两个不能闲着呀。

其实不知道大家注意到没有，
通过这个派系分析，我发现习近平第一个任期兵强马壮。
好多被胡温打压了10年的立马上位。
但是习近平的后劲儿，越来越不足。
习近平连任就是逆天而行。
35岁正部级定律，培养一个自己人，需要20年。
第一个任期就把人品败光了，后劲儿不足。
其实这个问题怎么理解，这个问题完全可以展开了说一期。
我们简单说一下。习近平一上任就打算终身连任
铁了心终身连任。习近平上来梭哈，把所有的牌都打光，
没有第三个任期布局。习近平第一个任期不梭哈，也就没有第三个任期。
第一个任期把自己所有的牌都打光才能修宪
如果习近平一开始就打算干两届退休的话，他需要给退休后布局。
储备人才，储备后备干部。
习近平就没有这一步。在前面两个任期梭哈，先拿下第三个任期，再说
后备干部培养的问题。
就导致习近平后备官员大空虚，后劲儿越来越不足。

人事有代谢，往来成古今
没有永远的执政党。

习近平要想终身连任的正确姿势
那就是要废除干部退休制度。
既然习近平不想退休的话，那么他这些铁杆马仔比如栗战书，王岐山，张高丽。
都不应该退休才对。
这些铁杆马仔都不退的话，自然就能保住习近平的江山。

习近平官宣下台之后，肯定要有很多复盘，
习近平为什么失败了。

我这是抛砖引玉，给大家提供一个思路，习近平为了实现三连任。
之前冲的太猛了。

一直有传言说尹弘接替王小洪担任公安部长。
这都传多久了，有半年了吧，也没有实现。
这是2025年4月9日的周边工作会议，尹弘都快哭了。
不说尹弘，就说马兴瑞，马兴瑞现在已经被拿下了。
就说4月9日的周边工作会议，马兴瑞当时知道还不是知道自己要被拿下了。

1994年12月，31岁的尹弘，调任上海市计划委员会办公室副主任。其在上海工业大学任职时的校领导徐匡迪，亦于1989年至1992年担任市计委领导。徐匡迪是朱镕基马仔，1995年2月 – 2001年12月任上海市长。

徐匡迪和黄菊是对掐的关系。
黄菊是邓小平在上海的代理人，黄菊1983年已经是上海市委常委了。
江泽民1985年才去的上海
尤权先后给温家宝，黄菊，李克强三个人当过大秘。汪洋也给黄菊当作大秘。
温家宝和李克强两个人还背书不了黄菊吗？

2004年7月，结束援藏，41岁的尹弘回到上海，担任闸北区委副书记、代区长、区长。当时的上海市长是韩正（2003年2月 – 2012年12月）。韩正是朱镕基马仔和江泽民没有关系，当时的上海市委书记陈良宇（2002年10月 – 2006年9月）。

闸北区是朱镕基和习近平的大本营。
陈云1930年7月兼任中共上海闸北区委书记。
丁薛祥担任过上海市闸北区的区长，尹弘担任过上海市闸北区的区长。
林龙斌担任过上海市闸北区的副区长。
林龙斌长期担任韩正的秘书。

2008年5月，45岁的尹弘任上海市人民政府副秘书长。当时的上海市长是韩正（2003年2月 – 2012年12月）。当时尹弘担任上海市副市长沈骏的大秘。韩正担任卢湾区长的时候，沈骏是办公室主任。当时的上海市委书记是俞正声（2007年10月 – 2012年11月）
尹弘给曾经的韩正的办公室主任沈骏担任大秘。

2012年5月，尹弘任中共上海市委常委，6月兼任市委秘书长，期间服务俞正声和韩正两任上海市委书记。尹弘仅仅服务俞正声半年，而服务韩正4年。尹弘和俞正声没有关系，俞正声是邓小平派系，尹弘是陈云朱镕基派系的。

直辖市委秘书长和市委书记的关系。
就是省委秘书长和省委书记的关系，这是玄学。

首先市委秘书长是市委常委这是政治局常委会任命，不是市委书记任命的。
中国一共只有380个省委常委，都是政治局常委通过。
哪怕副省长，或者直辖市副市长，省委书记或者市委书记也许能有一点建议权。
省委常委这个级别，省委书记完全没有话语权。
就是政治局常委会。

而且尹弘是市委秘书长，不仅仅服务于当时的市委书记俞正声
还要服务于当时的上海市长韩正。
尹弘和韩正是一个派系的。
尹弘不是叫做市委秘书长，不叫作市委书记秘书长。
尹弘是服务于13个市委常委的秘书长。

我们再看一个类似的。
2004年，48岁的李希重回中共甘肃省委机关，任省委秘书长。当时的甘肃省委书记是苏荣（2003年8月 – 2006年7月）。甘肃省长是陆浩（2001年1月 – 2006年10月）。
苏荣是吴官正和习近平的马仔。
陆浩是胡温的马仔。
李希和当时的省长陆浩是一个派系的，和当时的甘肃省委书记苏荣不是一个派系的。
因为之前李希在甘肃省委组织部给陆浩当了9年的下属。
李希这个甘肃省委秘书长，不到一年就被苏荣赶走了。

省委书记的秘书长，不是省委书记能够随意更换的。
省委书记想换秘书长，一般要运作七八个月。
这些只当了一年的省委秘书长，甚至不到1年的，
未必是和省委书记绑定。
包括省长的大秘，省政府秘书长
只当了1年，甚至不到一年未必是绑定的。

尹弘这个上海市委秘书长和俞正声的交集只有半年
尹弘给韩正当了4年的大秘。
尹弘是韩正的人。
尹弘当上海市政府副秘书长就是韩正秘书的秘书。

尹弘担任河南省长，甘肃省委书记，我还没有研究。
但是尹弘担任江西省委书记的大秘，杨文英。比较清晰。
是习近平的马仔。
杨文英还不是江西省委秘书长。而是江西省人大秘书长。
因为省委书记一般兼任省人大主任。

所以共产党，天天改不了地下党偷偷摸摸的作风。
删简历，难道都删了吗？
省委书记是一个公众人物，除非以后再也不报道任何活动。
总有端倪
共产党天天就是掩耳盗铃。

首先用排除法只能知道江西省委书记尹弘是习近平的人。
因为江西省长叶建春是胡锦涛的人。
叶建春是搞水利的，搞水利的一般都是胡锦涛的人。
河南省委书记刘宁，新疆党委书记陈小江，江西省长叶建春
这三个都是水利背景出身的，都是胡锦涛的人。

胡锦涛在清华大学学的就是水利，他能不好这口吗？
就这点爱好

徐延彬是强卫大秘，徐延彬是强卫从青海带到江西的，毫无疑问，徐延彬是强卫的铁杆亲信。叶建春使用强卫的大秘，说明叶建春是胡锦涛派系。

2010年，玉树地震后，胡锦涛抵达青海时，拥抱青海省委书记强卫。
强卫63岁就被习近平
强卫2016年6月，63岁就被习近平强制提前两年退休。

所以，我给大家找到一个证据，胡锦涛和习近平不是在2017年翻脸的
起码2016年6月的时候已经翻脸了。

习近平的姐夫邓家贵在江西做稀土生意，
如果江西省委书记尹弘和江西省长叶建春都不是习近平的人。
邓家贵怎么做生意啊。
我们看一下尹弘这个江西省人大主任，的秘书长杨文英的派系背景。

2001年8月 – 2004年8月，34岁的杨文英任江西省新余市渝水区委副书记、区长。当时的新余市委书记是潘逸阳（1998年12月 – 2001年12月），新余市长是洪礼和（1999年12月 – 2001年12月）。

2004年8月 – 2006年3月，37岁的杨文英任江西省新余市渝水区委书记。当时的新余市委书记是钟利贵（2002年12月 – 2006年3月），新余市长是汪德和（2003年8月 – 2006年11月）。

这两步就是县长和县委书记其实挺重要的，这是仕途的起点。
好多官员没有当过县长和县委书记，可能对之后的提拔有影响。
习近平干过，河北正定的县委书记。周江勇就是习近平亲手提拔的象山县委书记。

潘逸阳说是王岐山的马仔，我没有研究过。潘逸阳2014年就抓了。
洪礼和也抓了，应该是吴官正的马仔，刚抓的2025年6月抓的。
钟利贵还没抓，也可能会被抓。汪德和这是吴官正的大侄子，2025年3月被抓

我们看提拔尹弘大秘杨文英的官员，几乎全都抓了。
尹弘没有抓都是奇迹，还想公安部长呢。
就看尹弘这个哭丧着脸的表情，他想没想过当公安部长呢。
估计是韩正在保尹弘，时光辉估计也是韩正在保
韩正不是习近平的人，为什么留任国家副主席呢。

2006年3月 – 2008年5月，39岁的杨文英任江西省新余市政府市长助理。当时的新余市委书记是钟利贵（2002年12月 – 2006年3月），汪德和（2006年5月 – 2010年3月），新余市长是汪德和（2003年8月 – 2006年11月）。

2008年5月 – 2009年2月，41岁的杨文英任江西省广播电视局党委委员、副局长（试用期一年） 。当时的江西省委书记是苏荣（2007年11月 – 2013年3月），江西省长是吴新雄 (2006年10月 – 2011年5月)。

2011年8月 – 2015年4月，44岁的杨文英任江西省赣州市委常委、市委宣传部长。当时的江西省委书记是苏荣（2007年11月 – 2013年3月），江西省长是鹿心社 （2011年6月 – 2016年7月）。当时的赣州市委书记是史文清（2010年10月 – 2015年7月），赣州市长是冷新生（2011年8月 – 2016年9月）。2020年9月21日，史文清被查。

尹弘的大秘杨文英也是富矿。
苏荣就是吴官正和习近平的马仔，苏荣的白手套方威现在是海航名义的股东。
史文清也得展开了说，史文清是铁帽子王布赫的秘书。
布赫是乌兰夫的长子。

1972年5月20日至31日，中共中央在北京举行工作会议，为召开十大作准备。时任国务院总理周恩来力争，使乌兰夫得以参加大会，并被选为第十届中央委员。

1973年3月，邓小平复出任副总理
乌兰夫比邓小平早8个月复出。
在邓小平1973年之前复出的，应该都不是邓小平派系。
邓小平是毛泽东钦定的走资派
让邓小平复出当时很多人脑子拐不过来弯

抓费东斌就是要收拾布小林家族。
习近平这些马仔互相之间都有联系，
互相之间都勾结着。
要清除习近平的马仔这是一个巨大的工程。

好的，谢谢大家。

英文翻译

An analysis of the faction of Yin Hong, rumored successor to Wang Xiaohong; the relationship between Liu Hui and Jia Qinglin in Ningxia; Xi Jinping’s last remaining key figure will also be removed; Deng Jiagui’s rare earth business in Jiangxi.

Hello everyone,

I conducted a small poll. The user groups on Twitter and YouTube are quite different,

and there’s a certain gap in understanding.

Twitter users want to hear about what would happen if Nan Huaijin helped Xi Jinping come to power.

48% to 40%, 8 percentage points higher. YouTube users want to hear about the faction of Yin Hong, rumored to succeed Wang Xiaohong.

51% to 37%, 14 percentage points higher.

One for, one against, a difference of 20%.

Adding them together, the vote for Wang Xiaohong’s successor is higher.

Actually, what I want to say is about Nan Huaijin helping Xi Jinping come to power.

I don’t have any particular bias; I’m just doing this for technical reasons.

I want to say that Nan Huaijin is only mentioned because this case is relatively clear, and I’ve investigated it quite thoroughly.

As for Yin Hong, I’ve only investigated half of it, but I can already see some clues.

At worst, I’ll search and investigate again, and make another episode.

Let me start with Liu Hui, who nobody’s interested in.

Since nobody’s interested, I won’t delve into it. Let’s move on.

We’ll just gloss over it.

This netizen said,

Liu Hui, former head of the Ningxia provincial government, whose henchman? She was just investigated.

This netizen replied:
Jia Qinglin.

This netizen said,

Whose person is Liu Hui?

This netizen said,

Former Ningxia chairman Liu Hui is under investigation, please analyze this.

My reply is:
The Beijing Municipal Party Committee Secretary when Liu Hui was on temporary assignment in Beijing was Jia Qinglin.

This netizen said,

Now, those who can still secure a position for retirement at retirement age are basically millionaires, no need for analysis! 

From May to November 1999, 39-year-old Liu Hui was on temporary assignment in Fengtai District, Beijing, serving as Deputy Secretary of the District Party Committee. The then Beijing Municipal Party Committee Secretary was Jia Qinglin (August 1998 – November 2002). The mayor of Beijing was Liu Qi (February 6, 1999 – January 19, 2003).

Jia Qinglin only served as the Beijing Municipal Party Secretary for four years, yet Liu Hui managed to prevent Jia Qinglin from taking a temporary post in Beijing.

In January 2003, 44-year-old Liu Hui was promoted to Vice Chairman of the Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region People’s Government.

On April 23, 2013, the Second Session of the 11th Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region People’s Congress appointed 54-year-old Liu Hui as Chairman of the Autonomous Region People’s Government.

This timeline is quite perfect, isn’t it? Before Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao officially took office, Liu Hui served as Vice Chairman of Ningxia, a vice-ministerial level position.

After Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao stepped down, Liu Hui was promoted to ministerial level.

Liu Hui’s timeline is the same as Wu Yingjie’s. The vice-ministerial and ministerial levels occurred precisely before and after Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao took office, respectively.

Why is it such a coincidence that Liu Hui just avoided the terms of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao? Is this a coincidence?

Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao served for 10 years; they couldn’t be idle. Actually, I don’t know if everyone has noticed, but through this factional analysis, I found that Xi Jinping’s first term saw a strong and well-equipped faction.

Many people who had been suppressed by Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao for 10 years immediately rose to power.

However, Xi Jinping’s stamina has been increasingly waning.

Xi Jinping’s re-election is going against the grain.

The “35-year-old ministerial-level rule” means it takes 20 years to cultivate one’s own people.

He squandered his reputation in his first term, resulting in insufficient stamina for the future.

This issue could be discussed in detail in a separate episode.

Let’s put it simply. Xi Jinping intended to serve his entire term upon taking office. He was determined to serve his entire term. Xi Jinping went all in, playing all his cards, without any plans for a third term. If Xi Jinping hadn’t gone all in during his first term, there wouldn’t have been a third term.

He had to play all his cards in his first term to amend the constitution.

If Xi Jinping had planned to retire after two terms from the beginning, he would have needed to plan for his retirement.

He needed to cultivate talent and build a reserve of cadres.

Xi Jinping didn’t take this step. Xi Jinping went all-in in his first two terms, aiming for a third term before even considering the cultivation of a reserve of capable officials.

This resulted in a significant vacuum in his candidate pool, making his political future increasingly precarious.

Personnel changes are inevitable; the past and present are ever-changing.

No party lasts forever.

The correct approach for Xi Jinping to secure lifelong rule is to abolish the cadre retirement system.

Since Xi Jinping doesn’t want to retire, then his staunch allies, such as Li Zhanshu, Wang Qishan, and Zhang Gaoli,

shouldn’t retire.

If these staunch allies don’t retire, Xi Jinping’s rule can naturally be preserved.

After Xi Jinping’s official resignation, there will certainly be much analysis, examining why he failed.

I’m just offering a starting point, providing a possible perspective: Xi Jinping’s push for a third term was too aggressive.

There have been persistent rumors that Yin Hong would succeed Wang Xiaohong as Minister of Public Security.

These rumors have been circulating for about six months now, but they haven’t materialized.

This is a photo from the peripheral work meeting on April 9, 2025. Yin Hong was almost in tears.

Leaving aside Yin Hong, let’s talk about Ma Xingrui. Ma Xingrui has already been taken down.

Regarding the peripheral work meeting on April 9th, did Ma Xingrui know then that he was going to be taken down?

In December 1994, 31-year-old Yin Hong was transferred to the position of Deputy Director of the Office of the Shanghai Municipal Planning Commission. Xu Kuangdi, Yin Hong’s former supervisor at Shanghai University of Technology, also served as a leader in the Municipal Planning Commission from 1989 to 1992. Xu Kuangdi was a henchman of Zhu Rongji and served as Mayor of Shanghai from February 1995 to December 2001.

Xu Kuangdi and Huang Ju were rivals.

Huang Ju was Deng Xiaoping’s proxy in Shanghai. Huang Ju was already a member of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee Standing Committee in 1983.

Jiang Zemin only went to Shanghai in 1985. You Quan served as the chief secretary to Wen Jiabao, Huang Ju, and Li Keqiang. Wang Yang also served as Huang Ju’s chief secretary.

Couldn’t Wen Jiabao and Li Keqiang endorse Huang Ju?

In July 2004, after completing his aid work in Tibet, 41-year-old Yin Hong returned to Shanghai, serving as Deputy Secretary of the Zhabei District Committee, Acting District Head, and then District Head. The then Mayor of Shanghai was Han Zheng (February 2003 – December 2012). Han Zheng was a henchman of Zhu Rongji and had no connection to Jiang Zemin. The then Shanghai Party Secretary was Chen Liangyu (October 2002 – September 2006).

Zhabei District was a stronghold of Zhu Rongji and Xi Jinping.

Chen Yun concurrently served as Secretary of the Zhabei District Committee of the Communist Party of China in Shanghai from July 1930.

Ding Xuexiang and Yin Hong both served as District Heads of Zhabei District.

Lin Longbin served as Deputy District Head of Zhabei District.

Lin Longbin served as Han Zheng’s secretary for a long time.

In May 2008, 45-year-old Yin Hong became Deputy Secretary-General of the Shanghai Municipal People’s Government. The then Mayor of Shanghai was Han Zheng (February 2003 – December 2012). Yin Hong served as the chief secretary to Shen Jun, then Vice Mayor of Shanghai. When Han Zheng was the head of Luwan District, Shen Jun was his office director. The then Shanghai Party Secretary was Yu Zhengsheng (October 2007 – November 2012).

Yin Hong served as the chief secretary to Shen Jun, Han Zheng’s former office director.

In May 2012, Yin Hong became a member of the Standing Committee of the Shanghai Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China, and in June concurrently served as Secretary-General of the Municipal Committee, serving both Yu Zhengsheng and Han Zheng as Shanghai Party Secretaries. Yin Hong served Yu Zhengsheng for only six months, but served Han Zheng for four years. Yin Hong and Yu Zhengsheng had no connection; Yu Zhengsheng belonged to the Deng Xiaoping faction, while Yin Hong belonged to the Chen Yun-Zhu Rongji faction.

The relationship between the Secretary-General of a municipality’s Party Committee and the Party Secretary is similar to that between the Secretary-General of a provincial Party Committee and the Provincial Party Secretary—it’s a complex matter.

First, the Secretary-General of the Municipal Party Committee is appointed by the Standing Committee of the Municipal Party Committee (Political Bureau), not by the Secretary of the Municipal Party Committee.

There are only 380 Standing Committee members of provincial Party committees in China, all appointed by the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau.

Even a vice-governor or vice-mayor of a municipality might have some advisory power from the provincial or municipal Party secretary.

At the level of the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee, the provincial Party secretary has absolutely no say.

It’s the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau.

Furthermore, Yin Hong, as the Secretary-General of the Municipal Party Committee, not only served the then Municipal Party Secretary Yu Zhengsheng, but also the then Mayor of Shanghai Han Zheng.

Yin Hong and Han Zheng belonged to the same faction.

Yin Hong wasn’t called the Secretary-General of the Municipal Party Committee, nor was he called the Secretary-General of the Municipal Party Secretary.

Yin Hong served as the Secretary-General of 13 Standing Committee members of the Municipal Party Committee.

Let’s look at another similar case.

In 2004, 48-year-old Li Xi returned to the Gansu Provincial Party Committee as its Secretary-General. The then Secretary of the Gansu Provincial Party Committee was Su Rong (August 2003 – July 2006). The governor of Gansu Province was Lu Hao (January 2001 – October 2006).

Su Rong was a henchman of Wu Guanzheng and Xi Jinping.

Lu Hao was a henchman of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao.

Li Xi belonged to the same faction as then-governor Lu Hao, but not to the same faction as then-Gansu Provincial Party Secretary Su Rong.

Because Li Xi had previously served as Lu Hao’s subordinate in the Gansu Provincial Party Committee’s Organization Department for nine years.

Li Xi, the Gansu Provincial Party Committee Secretary-General, was dismissed by Su Rong in less than a year.

The secretary-general of the provincial party secretary is not someone the provincial party secretary can replace at will.

It usually takes seven or eight months for the provincial party secretary to change his secretary-general.

Those who only served as provincial party committee secretaries-general for a year, or even less,

are not necessarily closely tied to the provincial party secretary.

This includes the governor’s chief secretary and the provincial government secretary-general.

Serving for only a year, or even less, does not necessarily mean they are closely tied.

Yin Hong, the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee Secretary-General, only had six months of interaction with Yu Zhengsheng.

Yin Hong served as Han Zheng’s chief secretary for four years.

Yin Hong is Han Zheng’s man.

Yin Hong’s position as Deputy Secretary-General of the Shanghai Municipal Government meant he was Han Zheng’s secretary’s secretary.

I haven’t researched Yin Hong’s positions as Governor of Henan Province and Party Secretary of Gansu Province.

However, his position as the chief secretary to the Party Secretary of Jiangxi Province, Yang Wenying, is clearer.

They are Xi Jinping’s henchmen.

Yang Wenying isn’t just the Secretary-General of the Jiangxi Provincial Party Committee; she’s the Secretary-General of the Jiangxi Provincial People’s Congress.

Because the Party Secretary usually concurrently serves as the Chairman of the Provincial People’s Congress.

Therefore, the Communist Party can’t shake its underground, clandestine style.

Delete resumes? Have they all been deleted?

The Party Secretary is a public figure; unless all activities are never reported again.

There will always be clues.

The Communist Party is just burying its head in the sand.

First, by process of elimination, we can only conclude that Jiangxi Party Secretary Yin Hong is Xi Jinping’s man.

Because Jiangxi Governor Ye Jianchun is Hu Jintao’s man.

Ye Jianchun is in water conservancy, and those in water conservancy are generally Hu Jintao’s men.

Liu Ning, Secretary of the Henan Provincial Party Committee; Chen Xiaojiang, Secretary of the Xinjiang Party Committee; and Ye Jianchun, Governor of Jiangxi Province—all three have backgrounds in water conservancy and are considered Hu Jintao’s associates.

Hu Jintao studied water conservancy at Tsinghua University; how could he not be interested in it?

That’s his only hobby.

Xu Yanbin was Qiang Wei’s chief secretary. Xu Yanbin was brought to Jiangxi by Qiang Wei from Qinghai; without a doubt, Xu Yanbin is Qiang Wei’s staunch confidant. Ye Jianchun’s use of Qiang Wei’s chief secretary indicates that Ye Jianchun is part of Hu Jintao’s faction.

In 2010, after the Yushu earthquake, when Hu Jintao arrived in Qinghai, he embraced Qiang Wei, the Qinghai Provincial Party Secretary.

Qiang Wei was forced into retirement by Xi Jinping at the age of 63.

In June 2016, at the age of 63, Qiang Wei was forced to retire two years early by Xi Jinping.

Therefore, I have found evidence that Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping did not fall out in 2017; they had already fallen out by at least June 2016.

Xi Jinping’s brother-in-law, Deng Jiagui, runs a rare earth business in Jiangxi.

If neither Jiangxi Provincial Party Secretary Yin Hong nor Jiangxi Governor Ye Jianchun are Xi Jinping’s associates,

how could Deng Jiagui conduct business?

Let’s examine the factional background of Yang Wenying, the secretary-general of Yin Hong, the chairman of the Jiangxi Provincial People’s Congress.

From August 2001 to August 2004, 34-year-old Yang Wenying served as Deputy Secretary of the Yushui District Committee and District Head of Xinyu City, Jiangxi Province. At that time, the Secretary of the Xinyu Municipal Party Committee was Pan Yiyang (December 1998 – December 2001), and the Mayor of Xinyu City was Hong Lihe (December 1999 – December 2001).

From August 2004 to March 2006, 37-year-old Yang Wenying served as Secretary of the Yushui District Committee of Xinyu City, Jiangxi Province. The then Party Secretary of Xinyu City was Zhong Ligui (December 2002 – March 2006), and the Mayor of Xinyu City was Wang Dehe (August 2003 – November 2006).

These two steps—county head and county Party secretary—are quite important; they are the starting point of one’s career.

Many officials have never served as county head or county Party secretary, which may affect their later promotions.

Xi Jinping served as county Party secretary in Zhengding, Hebei. Zhou Jiangyong was personally promoted by Xi Jinping to be the county Party secretary of Xiangshan.

Pan Yiyang is said to be a henchman of Wang Qishan, but I haven’t researched that. Pan Yiyang was arrested in 2014.

Hong Lihe was also arrested; he was likely a henchman of Wu Guanzheng. He was arrested in June 2025.

Zhong Ligui hasn’t been arrested yet, but he may be arrested later. Wang Dehe is Wu Guanzheng’s nephew, and he was arrested in March 2025.

We see that almost all the officials who promoted Yang Wenying, Yin Hong’s chief secretary, have been arrested.

It’s a miracle that Yin Hong wasn’t arrested; he even wanted to be Minister of Public Security.

Look at Yin Hong’s mournful face; did he even consider becoming Minister of Public Security?

It’s likely that Han Zheng is protecting Yin Hong, and Shi Guanghui is probably also being protected by Han Zheng.

Han Zheng isn’t Xi Jinping’s man, so why did he remain Vice President?

From March 2006 to May 2008, 39-year-old Yang Wenying served as Assistant Mayor of Xinyu City, Jiangxi Province. The then Party Secretary of Xinyu City was Zhong Ligui (December 2002 – March 2006), and Wang Dehe (May 2006 – March 2010). The Mayor of Xinyu City was Wang Dehe (August 2003 – November 2006).

From May 2008 to February 2009, Yang Wenying, aged 41, served as a member of the Party Committee and Deputy Director of the Jiangxi Provincial Radio and Television Bureau (on a one-year probationary period). The then Secretary of the Jiangxi Provincial Party Committee was Su Rong (November 2007 – March 2013), and the Governor of Jiangxi Province was Wu Xinxiong (October 2006 – May 2011).

From August 2011 to April 2015, Yang Wenying, aged 44, served as a member of the Standing Committee of the Ganzhou Municipal Party Committee and Minister of Publicity. The then Secretary of the Jiangxi Provincial Party Committee was Su Rong (November 2007 – March 2013), and the Governor of Jiangxi Province was Lu Xinshe (June 2011 – July 2016). The then Secretary of the Ganzhou Municipal Party Committee was Shi Wenqing (October 2010 – July 2015), and the Mayor of Ganzhou was Leng Xinsheng (August 2011 – September 2016). On September 21, 2020, Shi Wenqing was investigated.

Yin Hong’s chief secretary, Yang Wenying, was also a goldmine.

Su Rong was a henchman of Wu Guanzheng and Xi Jinping; Su Rong’s front man, Fang Wei, is now a nominal shareholder of HNA Group.

Shi Wenqing also needs further explanation; he was the secretary of Buhe, a powerful figure in the political arena.

Buhe was Ulanhu’s eldest son.

From May 20 to 31, 1972, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held a working conference in Beijing to prepare for the 10th National Congress. Then-Premier Zhou Enlai worked hard to ensure Ulanhu’s participation in the Congress and his election as a member of the 10th Central Committee.

In March 1973, Deng Xiaoping returned to power as Vice Premier.

Ulanhu returned to power eight months earlier than Deng Xiaoping.

Those who returned to power before Deng Xiaoping in 1973 were likely not part of Deng Xiaoping’s faction.

Deng Xiaoping was Mao Zedong’s handpicked capitalist roader.

Many people couldn’t accept Deng Xiaoping’s reinstatement at the time.

The arrest of Fei Dongbin was aimed at dismantling the Bu Xiaolin family.

Xi Jinping’s cronies are all connected and colluding with each other.

Purgeing Xi Jinping’s cronies is a massive undertaking.

Okay, thank you everyone.