袁家军四处接见正部级，要接总书记？马兴瑞与李刚，彭丽媛的贪腐曝光。马兴瑞为什么被拿下新疆党委书记

 

袁家军四处接见正部级，要接总书记？马兴瑞与李刚，彭丽媛的贪腐曝光。马兴瑞为什么被拿下新疆党委书记

大家好，
这名网友说，
中央纪委国家监委驻中组部纪检监察组原组长李刚被提起公诉，他曾任四川省副省长，云南省委常委、组织部部长。受贿数额特别巨大，到底多巨大不敢公布
我们看一下官方的报道。
记者2025年7月24日从最高人民检察院获悉，中央纪委，国家监委，驻中央组织部纪检监察组原组长李刚涉嫌受贿一案，由国家监察委员会调查终结，经最高人民检察院指定，由湖北省武汉市人民检察院审查起诉。近日，武汉市人民检察院已向武汉市中级人民法院提起公诉。
这里面说了数额特别巨大，这就是常规表述吧。
我们看着里面的点，检察院从四川省大邑县副县长开始指控的，这都多少年前了。
1997年12月至2001年6月，李刚先后担任四川省大邑县委常委、副县长、县委副书记。
所以我说就是大邑县的事情，我之前就是这么分析的。
检察院都在背书我的说法。当时有一个独立的地级市级别行政单位叫做温江地区。
之后合并到成都市了。
就是要查李刚在温江地区的事情。
而且对李刚的指控到云南省委常委，组织部长为止。并没有指控
李刚在中组部的行为。
李刚2024年1月去中组部担任纪检组组长，一开始说李刚的头衔就是中组部长纪检组原组长
但是李刚2024年9月，就被抓了，在中组部一共只有8个月。
这个指控并没有指控李刚在中组部的行为，中组部涉及全国的官员的提拔。
那打击面就广了。而且李刚的确在中组部只有8个月，屁股还没坐热呢。
针对四川，云南，就是针对彭丽媛，最大的矛头就是指向李春城，彭丽媛。

李刚的重要性不仅在于其职务，还涉及周永康、彭丽媛及习近平上台的关键历史节点，甚至可能解释三年疫情封城政策及习近平2022年二十大三连任的背后动机。李刚2024年1月起任中共中央纪律检查委员会驻中央组织部纪检监察组组长，此前2021年7月-2024年1月为云南省委常委、组织部长。李刚被查的时候，官方通报称其“在干部选拔任用等工作中为他人谋取利益”，暗示收受贿赂并影响人事布局，但是没有明确具体时间，到底是云南任期还是中组部任期。
当时我就质疑这个问题，现在等于官方回应我的说法，把中组部给掐掉了。

这就是欲盖弥彰，
第一层含义：李刚与中组部腐败的深层关联
李刚的职务表面上是“纪委书记”，但其实际地位应为中组部副部长级官员，这一称呼更能反映李刚的权力实质。官方通报之前采用党八股语言“为他人谋取利益”，没有直言收受贿赂，但其含义显而易见——李刚在干部任用中涉嫌腐败，影响全国性人事布局。现在表面上又想跟中组部切割，因为涉及更高层人物，需进一步掩盖。
对李刚本人没有指控他在中组部的行为，不等于李刚就没有交代。
从大邑县副县长这里，可看出来，李刚连副县长28年前的事情都交代了。
李刚不交代彭丽媛的问题，就没有没法过关。我们怎么彭丽媛这个问题呢。

李刚的仕途轨迹显示其从2004年温江区委书记逐步升迁，显示出系统性提拔痕迹。现在直接到1997年大邑县副县长的问题。2004年，时年39岁的李刚任温江区委书记兼人大常委会主任，彼时成都市委书记为李春城（2003-2011年），李春城是李刚的重要靠山。2011年，李春城被查后，李刚仕途未受阻，2021年升任云南组织部长，2024年进京出任中组部纪检监察组组长，显示其背后有强大派系支持。
这14年是谁提拔的李刚，而且职位越来越高。中组部腐败是习近平亲信贪腐网的延伸。胡春华可能借李刚案，批判习近平“另立中央”与“小圈子”治理，试图通过反腐把习近平的势力连根拔起。

第二层含义：哈尔滨帮与彭丽媛的权力渗透
李刚案的第二层含义在于其与哈尔滨帮，以彭丽媛和罗健为核心的深厚联系，哈尔滨帮依托哈尔滨工业大学（哈工大）人脉，形成跨 政治、经济领域的贪腐网络。这一派系以哈尔滨为起点，通过学术、仕途和裙带关系，编织了一张隐秘而广泛的利益网，其影响力渗透至中央与地方。核心人物彭丽媛，前国家一级演员，习近平配偶，彭丽媛与罗健（哈尔滨人）共同奠定了帮派基础。罗健与马兴瑞（政治局委员、新疆书记）关系密切，后者是哈工大博士，仕途得益于导师黄文虎（1981-1985年任哈工大校长，1984-1987年任研究生院院长）。

黄文虎培养的骨干中，李春城是黄文虎的秘书，曾任成都市委书记，因贪腐2014年被查却仅判13年，显示高层保护伞。彭丽媛插手中组部事务，欲在三中全会补选进政治局，如果胡锦涛2024年6月19日军事政变干预，彭丽媛现在可能已经是政治局委员了。习近平不放心他人，效仿毛泽东让配偶操盘人事，李刚担任温江区委书记时期，作为李春城的马仔，是彭丽媛在云南及中组部的代理人。姜燕红作为，李春城和彭丽媛共同的白手套，2024年在北京王府井开发“王府77”项目，位于二环内核心地段，凸显彭丽媛经济影响力。周永康在秦城服刑哪有本事开发王府井？除习近平、彭丽媛，谁能2024年还在王府井开发房地产呢，就是王府77？跑到中南海边上开发房地产了。现在普通商人有没有能力能在三环之内拿到一块儿地呢？

前中组部长陈希卖官的传闻很多，陈希的妹妹见客500万起步，彭丽媛妹妹彭丽娟身价或更高，显示中组部腐败链条上贡高层。这就是妹妹的贪腐集团。

哈尔滨帮成员广泛：马兴瑞（新疆书记）、胡昌升（甘肃书记）、汪洋（国务院副秘书长）、段毅君（国家民委副主任）等人，或与哈工大有直接关联，或通过彭丽媛人脉融入。黄文虎与胡世祥创立航天学院，提拔李尚福（前国防部长），怀进鹏（教育部部长）同期获哈工大硕士，汪光焘（1995-1997年哈尔滨市长，提拔李春城）等人进一步扩展帮派触角。资本大鳄解直锟（中植集团）提供资金支持，段毅君与孙学玉（国家民委前副部长）渗透民族事务，阴和俊、谭瑞松、王军等也因哈尔滨背景被纳入。并非所有哈工大校友都是哈尔滨帮，比如刘国中、陈刚就不是，但是哈尔滨帮派系影响深远。

这个李尚福不管从马兴瑞黄文虎这头说，还是从张展南赵克石武昌实验中学这头说，
都是铁杆的习近平马仔。
最核心的基本事实就是马兴瑞是黄文虎的学生，
李春城是黄文虎的秘书。马兴瑞和彭丽媛是郓城老乡。李春城和彭丽媛共用一个白手套姜燕红。
彭丽媛这个问题怎么理解，不要把彭丽媛当作习近平的老婆
彭丽媛只是习近平 政治集团的一个政治局委员的级别的官员。
虽然彭丽媛没有政治局委员的名头，就按照马兴瑞去理解彭丽媛就行了。

把彭丽媛作为习近平老婆和习近平政治集团成员，这两个身份分开来看。
从时间线就能看出端倪
2025年7月1日，马兴瑞卸任新疆党委书记
2025年7月17日，彭丽媛出席“鼓岭缘”中美青少年联谊
之前2025年5月14日-2025年7月17日，彭丽媛失踪两个月
2025年7月22日，彭丽媛出席2025年“爱在阳光下”夏令营开营式
2025年7月24日，李刚被公诉，彭丽媛和马兴瑞涉案
把这些事情加起来就能看得更清楚了。
彭丽媛第一次出来上了人民日报第3版，第二次出来新华网和人民日报没有报道。
这是基本事实，说明彭丽媛降为副部级待遇，将来习近平可能降为正部级待遇。
和华国锋一样降为中央委员。

第三层含义：周永康、李春城与习近平上位的博弈
李刚案的第三层含义在于解锁周永康与李春城的关系，进而揭示习近平上位的关键内幕。李刚是李春城马仔，李春城仕途由张中伟（1999-2007年四川省委副书记、代省长）提拔，而不是周永康（2000-2002年四川省委书记）。李春城从哈尔滨副市长（1997-1998年）平调成都副市长（1998年），后任泸州市委书记（2000年8月-2001年2月）半年，再回成都任市长（2001年）至市委书记（2003年）。泸州GDP仅成都八分之一（2023年2700亿元 vs 22000亿元），此次调动可能是周永康打压（一把手压制二把手张中伟），但是成都是副省级城市，成都市长就是副省长，是中央任命，就不是周永康能说了算的。

2002年11月，李春城成为十六届中央候补委员，2003年6月任成都市委书记，彼时四川省委书记为张学忠（2002-2006年），张中伟仍为省长。张学忠作为宋平秘书，属陈云-习近平派系，网上误传张学忠为兰州军区司令肖华秘书。张中伟与李刚（温江出身）及徐志文（李刚大秘，2016-2020年广安副市长）关系密切，张彤（张中伟儿子，现广安市委书记）进一步印证派系纽带。李春城不是周永康马仔，周永康被习近平上位后当作“背锅侠”，其秦城服刑期间难以操控王府井开发。

江绵恒没有出席陈云120周年的座谈会。
江泽民和习近平本来就不是一个派系的。
胡耀邦和赵紫阳作为总书记都被打倒了。
习近平这个总书记本来不是江泽民提拔的，而是陈云 政治集团的官员。
所以习近平这个总书记也完全可以被打倒，可以被清算。
习近平和江泽民胡锦涛两任总书记本来就是三大派系。
习近平和李鹏朱镕基是一个派系。

清算习近平不存在任何技术上的障碍，只需要政治决心。

2025年7月25日上午，重庆市委书记袁家军，市委副书记、市长胡衡华会见了中央宣传部分管日常工作的副部长胡和平一行。市领导姜辉、刘尚进参加。
这个袁家军一天到晚，比总书记还牛，到处接见正部级。
2025年5月7日，袁家军就先后会见了，广东省省委书记黄坤明，上海市委书记陈吉宁，浙江省委书记王浩。
现在有会见正部级中宣部常务副部长胡和平。
袁家军天天要么会见正部级，要么会见政治局委员，总书记也这样，还能怎么着。

而且从贵州省黔南州委书记洪湖鹏的分析中，我们也看了。
袁家军担任浙江省长，立马就把洪湖鹏提拔的嘉兴副市长，担任时任嘉兴市长胡海峰的副手。
现在洪湖鹏又被派到贵州省去把习近平吴邦国的马仔吴胜华的黔南州给抄家了，一锅端了。
我们居然找到一个胡海峰的马仔，或者说胡海峰的前下属。
所以袁家军就是胡锦涛的马仔。
这也是总书记备胎。

最后到底让胡春华上，还是让袁家军上，就是胡锦涛一句话的事情。

好的，谢谢大家。

英文翻译

Yuan Jiajun meets with ministerial-level officials everywhere, is he trying to meet the General Secretary? The corruption of Ma Xingrui, Li Gang, and Peng Liyuan has been exposed. Why was Ma Xingrui removed as Xinjiang Party Secretary?

Hello everyone,

This netizen said that Li Gang, the former head of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and the National Supervisory Commission’s Discipline Inspection and Supervision Group stationed at the Organization Department of the Central Committee, has been prosecuted. He previously served as Vice Governor of Sichuan Province and Standing Committee Member and Organization Department Minister of Yunnan Province. The amount of bribes he accepted was exceptionally large, but they dare not disclose exactly how large 

Let’s look at the official report.

On July 24, 2025, reporters learned from the Supreme People’s Procuratorate that the case of Li Gang, the former head of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, the National Supervisory Commission’s Discipline Inspection and Supervision Group stationed at the Organization Department of the Central Committee, suspected of bribery, has been concluded by the National Supervisory Commission. Designated by the Supreme People’s Procuratorate, the case was reviewed and prosecuted by the Wuhan Municipal People’s Procuratorate of Hubei Province. Recently, the Wuhan Municipal People’s Procuratorate has filed a public prosecution with the Wuhan Intermediate People’s Court.

It mentions an exceptionally large amount, which is standard wording, right?

Looking at the details, the prosecution started the charges against Li Gang from the position of Deputy County Head of Dayi County, Sichuan Province, many years ago.

From December 1997 to June 2001, Li Gang successively served as a member of the Standing Committee of the Dayi County Party Committee, Deputy County Head, and Deputy Secretary of the County Party Committee.

So I said it’s about Dayi County; that’s my analysis before.

The prosecution is endorsing my statement. At that time, there was an independent prefecture-level administrative unit called Wenjiang Prefecture.

Later, it was merged into Chengdu City.

The investigation is about Li Gang’s affairs in Wenjiang Prefecture.

Moreover, the charges against Li Gang only went up to the Standing Committee member and Organization Minister of the Yunnan Provincial Party Committee. There were no charges against

Li Gang’s actions within the Organization Department of the Central Committee.

In January 2024, Li Gang went to the Organization Department of the Central Committee to serve as the head of the Discipline Inspection Group. Initially, it was said that Li Gang’s title was “Former Head of the Discipline Inspection Group of the Organization Department.”

However, Li Gang was arrested in September 2024, having only served eight months in the Organization Department.

This accusation does not specifically target Li Gang’s actions within the Organization Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC), which oversees the promotion of officials nationwide.

This broadens the scope of the investigation. Furthermore, Li Gang only served in the Organization Department for eight months, barely settling in.

The accusation targets Sichuan and Yunnan, which is essentially targeting Peng Liyuan; the biggest target is Li Chuncheng and Peng Liyuan.

Li Gang’s importance lies not only in his position but also in his connection to key historical moments involving Zhou Yongkang, Peng Liyuan, and Xi Jinping’s rise to power. It may even explain the motivations behind the three-year COVID-19 lockdown policy and Xi Jinping’s third consecutive term at the 2022 National Congress. Li Gang will serve as the head of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection’s disciplinary inspection and supervision group stationed at the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee from January 2024. Prior to that, from July 2021 to January 2024, he served as a member of the Standing Committee of the Yunnan Provincial Party Committee and Minister of the Organization Department. When Li Gang was investigated, the official report stated that he “sought benefits for others in cadre selection and appointment,” implying bribery and influence over personnel arrangements, but without specifying the exact timeframe—whether it was his term in Yunnan or his term in the Organization Department.

I questioned this issue at the time, and now it’s like the official response to my statement has silenced the Organization Department of the Central Committee.

This is a futile attempt to cover up the truth.

The first layer of meaning: the deep connection between Li Gang and corruption within the Organization Department.

Li Gang’s official position is ostensibly “Secretary of the Discipline Inspection Commission,” but his actual status should be that of a vice-ministerial level official in the Organization Department. This title better reflects the true extent of Li Gang’s power. The official report previously used bureaucratic language, “seeking benefits for others,” without explicitly mentioning bribery, but the implication is clear—Li Gang is suspected of corruption in cadre appointments, affecting nationwide personnel arrangements. Now, they are superficially trying to distance themselves from the Organization Department because higher-level figures are involved, requiring further cover-up.

The fact that there are no accusations against Li Gang himself regarding his actions within the Organization Department does not mean that Li Gang has not confessed.

From the case of the deputy county head of Dayi County, it can be seen that Li Gang even confessed to things that happened 28 years ago.

Li Gang cannot get away with this without confessing to the Peng Liyuan issue. How do we deal with the Peng Liyuan issue?

Li Gang’s career trajectory shows a systematic promotion process, starting as the Party Secretary of Wenjiang District in 2004. This leads directly to his position as Deputy County Head of Dayi County in 1997. In 2004, at the age of 39, Li Gang served as Party Secretary of Wenjiang District and Chairman of the Standing Committee of the People’s Congress. At that time, Li Chuncheng (2003-2011), a key patron of Chengdu, was the Party Secretary of Chengdu. Even after Li Chuncheng’s investigation in 2011, Li Gang’s career was not hindered. In 2021, he was promoted to Minister of Organization of Yunnan Province, and in 2024, he went to Beijing to become the head of the Central Organization Department’s Discipline Inspection and Supervision Group, indicating strong factional support behind him.

Who promoted Li Gang over these 14 years, and how did he rise to such increasingly higher positions? The corruption within the Central Organization Department is an extension of Xi Jinping’s network of cronies. Hu Chunhua may be using the Li Gang case to criticize Xi Jinping’s “separate central government” and “small-circle” governance, attempting to uproot Xi Jinping’s power through anti-corruption efforts.

The second layer of meaning: The Harbin Clique’s Power Infiltration through Peng Liyuan The second layer of meaning in the Li Gang case lies in its deep connection with the Harbin Clique, centered around Peng Liyuan and Luo Jian. Relying on connections at Harbin Institute of Technology (HIT), the Harbin Clique formed a corrupt network spanning political and economic spheres. Starting in Harbin, this faction wove a hidden and extensive network of interests through academic connections, career advancement, and nepotism, its influence penetrating both the central and local governments. The core figure, Peng Liyuan, a former national first-class actress and spouse of Xi Jinping, and Luo Jian (a native of Harbin), jointly laid the foundation for the clique. Luo Jian had close ties with Ma Xingrui (a member of the Politburo and Secretary of the Xinjiang Party Committee), the latter a PhD from HIT whose career advancement benefited from his mentor Huang Wenhu (President of HIT from 1981-1985 and Dean of the Graduate School from 1984-1987).

Among Huang Wenhu’s key figures, Li Chuncheng, Huang’s secretary and former Chengdu Party Secretary, was investigated for corruption in 2014 but only sentenced to 13 years, demonstrating his protection of high-ranking officials. Peng Liyuan interfered in the affairs of the Organization Department, aiming for a by-election to the Politburo at the Third Plenary Session. If Hu Jintao had intervened in a military coup on June 19, 2024, Peng Liyuan might already be a Politburo member. Xi Jinping, distrustful of others, emulated Mao Zedong by having his spouse manage personnel matters. Li Gang, during his tenure as Wenjiang District Party Secretary, acted as Li Chuncheng’s henchman and Peng Liyuan’s agent in Yunnan and the Organization Department. Jiang Yanhong, acting as a front for both Li Chuncheng and Peng Liyuan, developed the “Wangfu 77” project in Wangfujing, Beijing, in 2024. Located in a prime area within the Second Ring Road, this highlights Peng Liyuan’s economic influence. How could Zhou Yongkang, serving time in Qincheng Prison, possibly develop real estate in Wangfujing? Besides Xi Jinping and Peng Liyuan, who else could be developing real estate in Wangfujing in 2024? Only Wangfu 77. They’ve gone to develop real estate near Zhongnanhai. Do ordinary businessmen even have the ability to acquire a plot of land within the Third Ring Road now?

There are many rumors about former Organization Department head Chen Xi selling official positions. It’s said that Chen Xi’s sister charges at least 5 million yuan for meeting clients, and Peng Liyuan’s sister, Peng Lijuan, is likely worth even more, indicating that the Organization Department’s corruption chain involves bribes to high-ranking officials. This is the sister’s corrupt group.

The Harbin clique has a wide membership: Ma Xingrui (Xinjiang Party Secretary), Hu Changsheng (Gansu Party Secretary), Wang Yang (Deputy Secretary-General of the State Council), Duan Yijun (Vice Chairman of the State Ethnic Affairs Commission), etc., either have direct connections to Harbin Institute of Technology or have integrated through Peng Liyuan’s connections. Huang Wenhu and Hu Shixiang founded the Aerospace Academy, promoted Li Shangfu (former Minister of National Defense), Huai Jinpeng (Minister of Education) obtained a master’s degree from Harbin Institute of Technology at the same time, and Wang Guangtao (Mayor of Harbin from 1995-1997, who promoted Li Chuncheng), etc., further expanded the clique’s reach. Capital tycoon Xie Zhikun (Zhongzhi Group) provided financial support; Duan Yijun and Sun Xueyu (former Vice Minister of the State Ethnic Affairs Commission) infiltrated ethnic affairs; Yin Hejun, Tan Ruisong, Wang Jun, and others were also included due to their Harbin backgrounds. Not all Harbin Institute of Technology alumni are part of the Harbin clique; for example, Liu Guozhong and Chen Gang are not, but the Harbin clique’s influence is far-reaching.

Regarding Li Shangfu, whether viewed from the perspective of Ma Xingrui and Huang Wenhu, or from the perspective of Zhang Zhannan, Zhao Keshi, and Wuchang Experimental Middle School,

he is a staunch Xi Jinping henchman.

The core fact is that Ma Xingrui was Huang Wenhu’s student,

and Li Chuncheng was Huang Wenhu’s secretary. Ma Xingrui and Peng Liyuan are from the same hometown of Yuncheng. Li Chuncheng and Peng Liyuan share a front woman, Jiang Yanhong.

Regarding Peng Liyuan, she shouldn’t be considered Xi Jinping’s wife.

Peng Liyuan is merely a Politburo member-level official within Xi Jinping’s political group.

Although Peng Liyuan doesn’t hold the title of Politburo member, we can understand her through the lens of Ma Xingrui.

We should consider Peng Liyuan’s roles as Xi Jinping’s wife and a member of Xi Jinping’s political group separately.

The timeline reveals clues:

July 1, 2025: Ma Xingrui steps down as Xinjiang Party Secretary.

July 17, 2025: Peng Liyuan attends the “Gulingyuan” China-US Youth Friendship Event.

Prior to this, from May 14 to July 17, 2025, Peng Liyuan was missing for two months.

July 22, 2025: Peng Liyuan attends the opening ceremony of the 2025 “Love Under the Sun” Summer Camp.

July 24, 2025: Li Gang is prosecuted; Peng Liyuan and Ma Xingrui are involved in the case.

Adding these events together makes things clearer.

Peng Liyuan’s first public appearance was on page 3 of the People’s Daily; her second public appearance was not reported by Xinhua News Agency or the People’s Daily.

This is a basic fact, indicating that Peng Liyuan’s demotion to vice-ministerial level treatment suggests that Xi Jinping may also be demoted to ministerial level treatment in the future.

Like Hua Guofeng, he will be demoted to a member of the Central Committee.

The third layer of meaning: The power struggle between Zhou Yongkang, Li Chuncheng, and Xi Jinping’s rise to power. The third layer of meaning in the Li Gang case lies in unlocking the relationship between Zhou Yongkang and Li Chuncheng, thereby revealing the key inside story of Xi Jinping’s rise to power. Li Gang was Li Chuncheng’s henchman. Li Chuncheng’s career was promoted by Zhang Zhongwei (Deputy Secretary of the Sichuan Provincial Party Committee and Acting Governor from 1999 to 2007), not by Zhou Yongkang (Secretary of the Sichuan Provincial Party Committee from 2000 to 2002). Li Chuncheng was transferred from Vice Mayor of Harbin (1997-1998) to Vice Mayor of Chengdu (1998), then served as Secretary of the Luzhou Municipal Party Committee (August 2000 to February 2001) for half a year, before returning to Chengdu as Mayor (2001) and then Secretary of the Municipal Party Committee (2003). Luzhou’s GDP is only one-eighth of Chengdu’s (2023: 270 billion yuan vs. 2.2 trillion yuan). This reshuffle may be a result of Zhou Yongkang’s suppression (the top leader suppressing the second-in-command, Zhang Zhongwei). However, Chengdu is a sub-provincial city, and the mayor of Chengdu is equivalent to a vice-governor, appointed by the central government, not something Zhou Yongkang could decide.

In November 2002, Li Chuncheng became an alternate member of the 16th Central Committee. In June 2003, he became the Secretary of the Chengdu Municipal Committee. At that time, the Secretary of the Sichuan Provincial Committee was Zhang Xuezhong (2002-2006), and Zhang Zhongwei was still the governor. Zhang Xuezhong, as Song Ping’s secretary, belonged to the Chen Yun-Xi Jinping faction. There is a misconception online that Zhang Xuezhong was the secretary of Xiao Hua, the commander of the Lanzhou Military Region. Zhang Zhongwei had close ties with Li Gang (from Wenjiang) and Xu Zhiwen (Li Gang’s chief secretary, vice mayor of Guang’an from 2016-2020). Zhang Tong (Zhang Zhongwei’s son, currently the Secretary of the Guang’an Municipal Committee) further confirms these factional ties. Li Chuncheng is not a henchman of Zhou Yongkang. Zhou Yongkang was used as a scapegoat after Xi Jinping came to power, and it was difficult for him to control the Wangfujing development during his imprisonment in Qincheng Prison.

Jiang Mianheng did not attend the symposium commemorating the 120th anniversary of Chen Yun’s death.

Jiang Zemin and Xi Jinping were never from the same faction.

Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang, as General Secretaries, were both purged.

Xi Jinping, as General Secretary, was not promoted by Jiang Zemin, but was an official from Chen Yun’s political group.

Therefore, Xi Jinping, as General Secretary, can also be purged and eliminated.

Xi Jinping, Jiang Zemin, and Hu Jintao, the two former General Secretaries, belonged to three different factions.

Xi Jinping, Li Peng, and Zhu Rongji belong to the same faction.

Purgeing Xi Jinping faces no technical obstacles; only political determination is needed.

On the morning of July 25, 2025, Yuan Jiajun, Secretary of the Chongqing Municipal Party Committee, and Hu Henghua, Deputy Secretary of the Municipal Party Committee and Mayor, met with Hu Heping, Deputy Minister of the Central Propaganda Department in charge of daily work. Municipal leaders Jiang Hui and Liu Shangjin also participated.

This Yuan family faction is more powerful than the General Secretary, meeting with ministerial-level officials everywhere.

On May 7, 2025, Yuan family members met with Huang Kunming, Secretary of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee; Chen Jining, Secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee; and Wang Hao, Secretary of the Zhejiang Provincial Party Committee.

Now they’ve met with Hu Heping, the Executive Vice Minister of the Central Propaganda Department, who is at the ministerial level.

Yuan family members meet with either ministerial-level officials or members of the Politburo every day. Even the General Secretary does this; what else can be said?

Furthermore, we’ve seen this in the analysis of Hong Hupeng, Secretary of the Qiannan Prefecture Party Committee in Guizhou Province.

When Yuan family members became Governor of Zhejiang Province, they immediately promoted Hong Hupeng to Vice Mayor of Jiaxing, making him the deputy of then-Mayor Hu Haifeng.

Now Hong Hupeng has been sent to Guizhou Province to raid the Qiannan Prefecture of Xi Jinping’s Wu Bangguo’s henchman, Wu Shenghua, wiping him out completely.

We’ve even found a henchman of Hu Haifeng, or rather, a former subordinate of Hu Haifeng.

Therefore, Yuan family members are Hu Jintao’s henchmen.

This is also the General Secretary’s backup plan.

Ultimately, whether Hu Chunhua or Yuan Jiajun will take the position depends on Hu Jintao’s decision.

Okay, thank you everyone.