胡海峰是不是民政部负责审批的？热地阴法唐14天内发讣告，都是胡锦涛政敌。新闻联播上的胡春华。温家宝2023为何现身

 

胡海峰是不是民政部负责审批的？热地阴法唐14天内发讣告，都是胡锦涛政敌。新闻联播上的胡春华。温家宝2023为何现身

大家好，
热地死了86岁，14天之后阴法唐死了103岁。热地，阴法唐都是胡锦涛和胡春华在西藏政敌。尤其是热地，热地和胡春华在西藏有直接的交集。但是阴法唐都103岁，不至于是胡春华给拔管的，胡春华有这么狠吗？这些事情都没法说，你说阴法唐都有已经103岁，死了也正常呢。但是热地86岁，86岁，岁数也不小了，也算是正常年龄，但是和103岁比呢？那还差17年。再说了都已经活了103岁，怎么就不能活104岁了。那为什么不活102岁？当然有些事情不是人能决定。但是这两个都是西藏高官，一个一把手，一个二把手。都死了，就差14天。

我们注意这么几个事情
第一，阴法唐是胡耀邦被撤职。
第二，胡绳参加陈云90周年纪念会，而且发言了，张全景也发言了，张全景也陈云的马仔。袁宝华发言，袁宝华提拔的朱镕基。
第三，胡绳大秘翁杰明是薄熙来大秘。

就说任何一个政治人物的举动，不能理解成精神病。背后都是有原因都是由精心的政治算计。
1994年10月 – 1997年10月, 31岁的翁杰明任中国社科院研究生院党委副书记兼纪委书记，青年社会科学研究中心主任。当时的院长是胡绳（1985年9月6日 – 1998年2月28日），副院长（正部长级）王忍之（1992年11月 – 2000年6月）。
2011年12月 – 2013年5月，48岁的翁杰明任重庆市委秘书长，市直机关工委书记。当时的重庆市委书记是薄熙来（2007年12月1日 – 2012年3月15日），之后是张德江（2012年3月15日 – 2012年11月20日），孙政才（2012年11月20日 – 2017年7月15日）。翁杰明给薄熙来担任了4个月的大秘。张德江是临时的，孙政才用了半年的时间把翁杰明换下去了。省委书记没有权力更换自己的秘书长，要请求政治局常委会的同意。政治局常委会可以同意，也可以不同意。

胡绳一看就是白区党，白区党都是周恩来的马仔。薄熙来唱红打黑，不能理解成精神病啊，薄熙来背后的政治资源，都是这一股极左的政治资源。

第四，阴法唐上级张国华在文革期间邓小平打倒，张国华没倒台。
1945年9月，张国华调任晋冀豫野战军第一纵队副政委兼政治部主任。同年11月担任第七纵队副政委。1946年11月，率部开入豫皖苏地区，任豫皖苏军区司令员，配合刘邓大军的行动。

1948年6月，豫皖苏军区升为一级军区，粟裕任司令员，张国华任副司令员。随后，张国华率部参加淮海战役，因战绩卓著而受到司令员陈毅表扬。

阴法唐就是张国华的马仔，一开始晋冀豫野战军一纵，但是之后晋冀豫野战军之后是二野，这是邓小平的背景。但是张国华也得到了陈毅的表扬，陈毅就是习近平派系的。苗华的根能够追溯到陈毅身上。苗华绝对就是习近平的核心成员。打仗的时候派系不太好分，但是根据他们的马仔就能追溯到他们的派系。

第五，周恩来一生只去机场接过两个人的骨灰，除了张国华，就是陈赓。1972年，张国华病逝，周恩来流泪说，中央正要用他。张国华57岁就死了。

1972年张国华逝世，周恩来亲迎骨灰潸然泪下：正要重用他
周恩来一生只去机场结果两个人的骨灰，一个是陈赓大将，一个是张国华。

所以张国华很明显就是周恩来的马仔。习仲勋是周恩来，陈云的大秘。阴法唐是习近平派系的，不是邓小平派系的。热地和阴法唐才是搞乱西藏的真正推手，达赖喇嘛只不过是背锅侠。

陈云和习近平这帮人多孙子，陈云和胡绳。阴法唐和热地在前面煽动西藏闹事，胡绳和王忍之就在后面造谣胡耀邦是胡乱邦。文武两手，文攻武斗。

等到薄熙来唱红打黑，背后还是同一批人。薄熙来唱红打黑的总后台就是朱镕基和李鹏。薄熙来的大秘翁杰明就是胡绳王忍之的马仔。

广西官场的习近平的马仔根儿也在胡绳和王忍之这里。崔智友一个人就能都串起来。崔智友曾经是中国社科院的办公厅副主任，主任，院长就是胡绳，副院长就是王忍之。崔智友担任广西宣传部副部长，广西的党委书记就是曹伯纯。宣传部某种程度上就是大秘，笔杆子吗。谷牧就是陈毅点名调到上海担任宣传部长的。崔智友就是郭声琨在广西人大的大秘，郭声琨给习近平当了10年的刀把子。

按照我的框架，从西藏到广西，从中国社科院到重庆，到中国政法委。70年的共匪的历史，不管走到哪个省，逻辑都是通顺的。大外宣说的那些东西根本就无法逻辑自洽。

这个框架很简单，就是江胡习是三大派系。他们分别继承了毛邓周。江胡习，毛邓周，就这6个字，就能把中共所有的历史都捋顺了。

胡海峰现任民政部副部长，其职责明确分管儿童工作司相关业务，而非行业协会审批。这一分工与传言中的角色有所区别，凸显其工作重点在于儿童福利、社会保障和相关政策的制定与实施，而非直接参与行业协会的监管或审批工作。民政部作为中国负责社会事务管理的核心部门，每年处理的社会救助、养老服务、儿童保护以及行业协会审批等业务量极为庞大。审批工作通常由专门的司局负责，比如社会组织管理局。幕后操作并不需要分管副部长，亲赴现场揭牌或公开现在。胡海峰本身也不是民政的分管副部长，胡海峰即便是分管副部长，也不需要亲自揭牌。天天不用干的别的事情了，天天去揭牌就行了。

然而，2025年6月18日，胡海峰却出现在上海举办的陆家嘴论坛开幕式上，与中共中央政治局委员、上海市委书记陈吉宁，中央金融办分管日常工作的副主任王江，中国证监会主席吴清，上海市市长龚正等副国级、正部级官员共同为中国资本市场学会揭牌。这一举动引发了广泛关注和解读。陆家嘴论坛作为国际金融领域的重要盛会，主题聚焦“全球经济变局中的金融开放合作与高质量发展”，其揭牌仪式本应由金融或经济领域的核心领导主导，胡海峰作为分管儿童事务的副部长，与资本市场的直接关联甚微。他的出席显然超出了职权范围，更多被视为一种政治姿态，而非职责所需。

这五毛实在没有什么可洗地了。非说这些人是副部级的，这些官员除了胡立峰是副部级，陈吉宁是副国级，其他都是正部级。吴清是证监会主席，是正经的正部级，王江是中央金融办副主任，也是明确为正部级。上海市长相当于别的省的省委书记，也是正部级。没有副部级，只有胡海峰是副部级，如果胡海峰他爸不是胡锦涛，他凭什么站在这里。一个小小的副部级。而且墙内的标题就把胡海峰放在标题上

前香港《文汇报》东北办事处主任姜维平，认为胡海峰的现身绝非偶然，而是胡海峰爸爸胡锦涛势力回升的昭示。姜维平指出，中共官场对会议安排极为讲究，剪彩、站位顺序乃至名字排列顺序都反映了权力分配的微妙变化。在官媒报道中，胡海峰的名字与陈吉宁、王江、吴清、龚正并列，打破了常规层级顺序。如果不是胡锦涛等在幕后支持，陈吉宁等高官断无可能为一名副部长抬轿。这种安排被解读为习近平丧失大权的铁证，胡锦涛派系正在通过胡海峰的亮相，向外界宣示：“我老爸胡汉三又回来了”，标志着胡家政治势力的强势回归。

胡海峰的仕途轨迹进一步佐证这一判断。胡锦涛2012年被习近平在中共二十大闭幕式上架走，标志胡锦涛其政治生涯的低谷，胡锦涛儿子胡海峰的仕途也一度受限。然而，2024年1月，胡海峰被任命为民政部副部长。其实现在看，胡海峰被提拔为副部长就说明胡锦涛准备发动军事政变。

2023年12月21日报导说，81岁的中共前总理温家宝与夫人张蓓莉，近日和前地质矿产部部长朱训夫妇合影。 温家宝发色花白，清瘦，脸上微笑。93岁的朱训在上世纪80年代担任地矿部副部长、部长，是温家宝在地矿部的上司。

温家宝现身之后不到1个月胡立峰升任民政部副部长。这就是温家宝站出来要支持胡锦涛发动军事政变，不然的话。胡锦涛没有十足的把握，搞定习近平。让自己亲生儿子，当一个副部长。那就是找死，早晚要被习近平收拾了。还不如学她姐姐胡海青去美国，胡锦涛知道自己儿子没事儿，才敢把儿子留在中国的。毕竟李克强不是亲生的，这个是亲生的。

2025年6月，胡海峰高调出现在陆家嘴论坛，表明胡锦涛派系在习近平失势后迅速调整策略，利用胡海峰的公开露面重塑家族影响力。陈吉宁的配合可能暗示已经倒向胡锦涛，习近平的亲信马仔接连出事，张又侠的亲信上位，进一步印证习近平权力动摇。

胡海峰的露面与胡春华的动向相辅相成，进一步强化了胡锦涛派系的回暖迹象。传言胡春华近期发表了50字批评习时代中国的讲话，内容直指国家财富集中于少数家庭、国际孤立、民怨沸腾、人才外流，显示其胆子变大，意在上位。这一言论若属实，标志着胡春华从“废太子”身份向潜在接班人的转型。苏小和等分析人士认为，中共可能推出秘密党规，规定50后翻篇，红二代不得入高层常委，这将排除汪洋（1955年出生），使胡春华（1963年出生）或丁薛祥成为接班热门。胡春华15岁上大学，获胡耀邦、李克强关注，1978年大三时进入高层视野，毕业后在人民日报发表文章，长期被共产党重点培养。然而，习近平上台后将胡春华从中共中央政治局委员、国务院副总理位置贬至政协副主席，胡春华“废太子”标签如今可能逆袭。

谁把苏小和写成分析人士的。

胡春华的50字批评如果属实，内容之犀利令人瞩目。他提到“中国还有什么呀，什么也没有，经过习主席这么多年的折腾，我们真的什么都没有了”，直指财富分配不公、国际孤立和民怨载道，指出“稍微有点知识的、有点钱的、有点眼光的人都跑了”，反映了对习近平政策的深刻不满。这种言论如果出自胡春华，表明胡春华已经不再忌惮习近平的权威，可能是胡锦涛派系精心策划的试水之举。苏小和认为，胡春华作为“既要又要、既当又立”的政治家，需在此时站出来说话，否则会被政治老人视为没有胆量，失去接班机会。习近平无法讨好，胡春华被贬至政协副主席的经历证明了这一点，胡春华上位节奏与胡海峰的现身相辅相成。

央视还没有给胡春华正式造势。胡春华还在出席政协的会议。胡春华一直低着头，之后有一个抬头亮相。王沪宁，石泰峰，胡春华三个人的镜头都是3秒钟。但是王沪宁是单独镜头3秒钟。石泰峰和胡春华都是双人出境3秒钟。他们确实等级森严。我们需要继续观察后续中国政坛的变化。

好的，谢谢大家。

英文翻译

Is the Ministry of Civil Affairs responsible for the approval of Hu Haifeng? Redi Yin Fatang issued an obituary within 14 days, both are political enemies of Hu Jintao. Hu Chunhua on the news broadcast. Why did Wen Jiabao appear in 2023?

Hello everyone,
Redi died at the age of 86, and 14 days later Yin Fatang died at the age of 103. Redi and Yin Fatang are both political enemies of Hu Jintao and Hu Chunhua in Tibet. Especially Redi, Redi and Hu Chunhua have direct intersections in Tibet. But Yin Fatang is 103 years old, it is not that Hu Chunhua pulled out the tube, is Hu Chunhua so cruel? These things cannot be said. You said that Yin Fatang is already 103 years old, and it is normal for him to die. But Redi is 86 years old, 86 years old, not young, and it is also a normal age, but compared with 103 years old? That is 17 years short. Besides, he has lived to 103 years old, why can’t he live to 104 years old. Why not live to 102 years old? Of course, some things cannot be decided by people. But these two were high-ranking officials in Tibet, one was the top leader and the other was the second-in-command. Both died, just 14 days apart.

Let us pay attention to the following things

First, Yin Fatang was dismissed by Hu Yaobang.

Second, Hu Sheng attended the 90th anniversary commemoration of Chen Yun and spoke. Zhang Quanjing also spoke, and Zhang Quanjing was also Chen Yun’s henchman. Yuan Baohua spoke, and Yuan Baohua promoted Zhu Rongji.

Third, Hu Sheng’s chief secretary Weng Jieming was Bo Xilai’s chief secretary.

Let’s just say that the actions of any politician cannot be understood as mental illness. There are reasons behind them, all of which are carefully calculated by politics.

From October 1994 to October 1997, 31-year-old Weng Jieming served as deputy secretary of the Party Committee and secretary of the Discipline Inspection Commission of the Graduate School of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and director of the Youth Social Science Research Center. The president at that time was Hu Sheng (September 6, 1985 – February 28, 1998), and the vice president (ministerial level) was Wang Renzhi (November 1992 – June 2000).
From December 2011 to May 2013, 48-year-old Weng Jieming served as the secretary-general of the Chongqing Municipal Party Committee and the secretary of the Municipal Party Committee. The secretary of the Chongqing Municipal Party Committee at that time was Bo Xilai (December 1, 2007 – March 15, 2012), followed by Zhang Dejiang (March 15, 2012 – November 20, 2012), and Sun Zhengcai (November 20, 2012 – July 15, 2017). Weng Jieming served as Bo Xilai’s chief secretary for 4 months. Zhang Dejiang was a temporary position, and Sun Zhengcai replaced Weng Jieming in half a year. The provincial party secretary does not have the power to replace his own secretary-general, and must request the consent of the Politburo Standing Committee. The Politburo Standing Committee can agree or disagree.

Hu Sheng is obviously a member of the White Area Party, and the White Area Party is Zhou Enlai’s lackeys. Bo Xilai’s singing red and fighting black cannot be understood as a mental illness. The political resources behind Bo Xilai are all this extreme left political resources.

Fourth, Yin Fatang’s superior Zhang Guohua was overthrown by Deng Xiaoping during the Cultural Revolution, but Zhang Guohua did not fall.
In September 1945, Zhang Guohua was transferred to the deputy political commissar and director of the political department of the First Column of the Shanxi-Hebei-Henan Field Army. In November of the same year, he served as the deputy political commissar of the Seventh Column. In November 1946, he led his troops into the Henan-Anhui-Suzhou area and served as the commander of the Henan-Anhui-Suzhou Military Region to cooperate with the actions of Liu Deng’s army.

In June 1948, the Henan-Anhui-Suzhou Military Region was upgraded to a first-level military region, with Su Yu as commander and Zhang Guohua as deputy commander. Subsequently, Zhang Guohua led his troops to participate in the Huaihai Campaign and was praised by Commander Chen Yi for his outstanding performance.

Yin Fatang was Zhang Guohua’s lackey. He was in the First Column of the Shanxi-Hebei-Henan Field Army at the beginning, but then the Second Field Army came after the Shanxi-Hebei-Henan Field Army. This was Deng Xiaoping’s background. But Zhang Guohua was also praised by Chen Yi, who was from Xi Jinping’s faction. Miao Hua’s roots can be traced back to Chen Yi. Miao Hua is definitely a core member of Xi Jinping. Factions are not easy to divide during wars, but their factions can be traced back to their lackeys.

Fifth, Zhou Enlai only went to the airport to receive the ashes of two people in his life, in addition to Zhang Guohua, it was Chen Geng. In 1972, Zhang Guohua died of illness, and Zhou Enlai said in tears that the central government was just going to use him. Zhang Guohua died at the age of 57.

In 1972, Zhang Guohua died, and Zhou Enlai personally received the ashes and burst into tears: he was just going to reuse him
Zhou Enlai only went to the airport in his life and received the ashes of two people, one was General Chen Geng, and the other was Zhang Guohua.

So Zhang Guohua is obviously Zhou Enlai’s lackey. Xi Zhongxun is Zhou Enlai and Chen Yun’s chief secretary. Yin Fatang is from Xi Jinping’s faction, not Deng Xiaoping’s faction. Reti and Yin Fatang are the real promoters of the chaos in Tibet, and the Dalai Lama is just a scapegoat.

Chen Yun and Xi Jinping’s group has many grandsons, Chen Yun and Hu Sheng. Yin Fatang and Reti instigated the unrest in Tibet, while Hu Sheng and Wang Renzhi spread rumors that Hu Yaobang was a rioter behind the scenes. Both civil and military, literary and military attacks.

When Bo Xilai sang red and cracked down on crime, it was still the same group of people behind him. Bo Xilai’s main backers of singing red and cracking down on crime were Zhu Rongji and Li Peng. Bo Xilai’s chief secretary Weng Jieming was Hu Sheng and Wang Renzhi’s lackey.

Xi Jinping’s lackeys in the Guangxi officialdom are also in Hu Sheng and Wang Renzhi. Choi Ji-woo can link them all together. Cui Zhiyou was once the deputy director of the General Office of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. The director and president was Hu Sheng, and the vice president was Wang Renzhi. Cui Zhiyou served as the deputy director of the Propaganda Department of Guangxi, and the party secretary of Guangxi was Cao Bochun. The Propaganda Department is to some extent the chief secretary, the pen holder. Gu Mu was transferred to Shanghai by Chen Yi as the Minister of Propaganda. Cui Zhiyou was Guo Shengkun’s chief secretary in the Guangxi People’s Congress, and Guo Shengkun served as Xi Jinping’s knife handle for 10 years.

According to my framework, from Tibet to Guangxi, from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences to Chongqing, to the Chinese Political and Legal Affairs Commission. The 70-year history of the Communist bandits, no matter which province they go to, is logically coherent. The things said by the big foreign propaganda are simply not logically self-consistent.

This framework is very simple, that is, Jiang, Hu, and Xi are the three major factions. They inherited Mao, Deng, and Zhou respectively. Jiang, Hu, and Xi, Mao, Deng, and Zhou, just these six words can straighten out all the history of the Communist Party of China.

Hu Haifeng is currently the vice minister of the Ministry of Civil Affairs. His duties clearly state that he is in charge of the relevant business of the Department of Children’s Affairs, rather than the approval of industry associations. This division of labor is different from the rumored role, highlighting that his work focuses on the formulation and implementation of child welfare, social security and related policies, rather than directly participating in the supervision or approval of industry associations. As the core department responsible for the management of social affairs in China, the Ministry of Civil Affairs handles a huge amount of social assistance, elderly care services, child protection and industry association approval every year. Approval work is usually handled by special departments and bureaus, such as the Social Organization Management Bureau. Behind-the-scenes operations do not require the deputy minister in charge to go to the scene to unveil or disclose the present. Hu Haifeng himself is not the deputy minister in charge of civil affairs. Even if Hu Haifeng is the deputy minister in charge, he does not need to unveil the plaque in person. There is nothing else to do every day, just go to unveil the plaque every day.

However, on June 18, 2025, Hu Haifeng appeared at the opening ceremony of the Lujiazui Forum held in Shanghai, and unveiled the China Capital Market Society together with Chen Jining, member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and Secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee, Wang Jiang, deputy director of the Central Financial Office in charge of daily work, Wu Qing, chairman of the China Securities Regulatory Commission, and Gong Zheng, mayor of Shanghai. This move has attracted widespread attention and interpretation. As an important event in the field of international finance, the Lujiazui Forum focuses on “Financial Openness, Cooperation and High-quality Development in the Global Economic Changes”. Its unveiling ceremony should have been led by core leaders in the financial or economic fields. As the deputy minister in charge of children’s affairs, Hu Haifeng has little direct connection with the capital market. His attendance obviously exceeded the scope of his authority and was more regarded as a political gesture than a duty requirement.

These 50 cents really have nothing to wash. They insist that these people are at the vice-ministerial level. Except for Hu Lifeng, who is at the vice-ministerial level, and Chen Jining, who is at the vice-state level, the others are at the ministerial level. Wu Qing is the chairman of the China Securities Regulatory Commission, a proper ministerial level, and Wang Jiang is the deputy director of the Central Financial Office, and is also clearly at the ministerial level. The mayor of Shanghai is equivalent to the provincial party secretary of other provinces, and is also at the ministerial level. There is no vice-ministerial level, only Hu Haifeng is at the vice-ministerial level. If Hu Haifeng’s father is not Hu Jintao, why would he stand here? A small vice-ministerial level. And the title inside the wall puts Hu Haifeng in the title

Jiang Weiping, former director of the Northeast Office of Hong Kong Wen Wei Po, believes that Hu Haifeng’s appearance is by no means accidental, but a sign of the rise of Hu Haifeng’s father Hu Jintao’s power. Jiang Weiping pointed out that the CCP officialdom is very particular about the arrangement of meetings. The ribbon-cutting, the order of standing and even the order of names all reflect the subtle changes in the distribution of power. In the official media reports, Hu Haifeng’s name is listed alongside Chen Jining, Wang Jiang, Wu Qing and Gong Zheng, breaking the conventional hierarchical order. If it were not for the support of Hu Jintao and others behind the scenes, senior officials such as Chen Jining would never have been able to carry the sedan chair for a vice minister. This arrangement was interpreted as ironclad evidence of Xi Jinping’s loss of power. The Hu Jintao faction is declaring to the outside world through Hu Haifeng’s appearance: “My father Hu Hansan is back again”, marking the strong return of the Hu family’s political power.

Hu Haifeng’s career trajectory further confirms this judgment. Hu Jintao was taken away by Xi Jinping at the closing ceremony of the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 2012, marking the low point of Hu Jintao’s political career, and the career of Hu Jintao’s son Hu Haifeng was also restricted for a time. However, in January 2024, Hu Haifeng was appointed as the vice minister of the Ministry of Civil Affairs. In fact, now it seems that Hu Haifeng’s promotion to vice minister means that Hu Jintao is preparing to launch a military coup.

On December 21, 2023, it was reported that 81-year-old former Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao and his wife Zhang Beili recently took a photo with former Minister of Geology and Mineral Resources Zhu Xun and his wife. Wen Jiabao has gray hair, is thin, and has a smile on his face. Zhu Xun, 93, served as the vice minister and minister of the Ministry of Land and Mineral Resources in the 1980s and was Wen Jiabao’s boss in the Ministry of Land and Mineral Resources.

Less than a month after Wen Jiabao appeared, Hu Lifeng was promoted to vice minister of the Ministry of Civil Affairs. This is Wen Jiabao’s support for Hu Jintao’s military coup, otherwise. Hu Jintao is not sure that he can deal with Xi Jinping. Let his own son be a vice minister. That is to seek death, and sooner or later he will be dealt with by Xi Jinping. It is better to learn from her sister Hu Haiqing to go to the United States. Hu Jintao dared to keep his son in China because he knew that his son was fine. After all, Li Keqiang is not his biological son, but this one is.

In June 2025, Hu Haifeng made a high-profile appearance at the Lujiazui Forum, indicating that Hu Jintao’s faction quickly adjusted its strategy after Xi Jinping lost power and used Hu Haifeng’s public appearance to reshape the family’s influence. Chen Jining’s cooperation may imply that he has turned to Hu Jintao. Xi Jinping’s cronies have been in trouble one after another, and Zhang Youxia’s cronies have taken office, further confirming that Xi Jinping’s power is shaken.

Hu Haifeng’s appearance complements Hu Chunhua’s movements, further strengthening the signs of the recovery of Hu Jintao’s faction. It is rumored that Hu Chunhua recently delivered a 50-word speech criticizing China in the Xi era, pointing directly to the concentration of national wealth in a few families, international isolation, boiling public resentment, and talent outflow, showing that he has become bolder and intends to rise to power. If this statement is true, it marks Hu Chunhua’s transformation from a “deposed prince” to a potential successor. Analysts such as Su Xiaohe believe that the CCP may introduce secret party rules that stipulate that people born after 50 will turn the page and that the second generation of reds cannot be included in the top standing committee. This will exclude Wang Yang (born in 1955) and make Hu Chunhua (born in 1963) or Ding Xuexiang the favorites to succeed. Hu Chunhua went to college at the age of 15 and was noticed by Hu Yaobang and Li Keqiang. He entered the vision of the top leaders in 1978 when he was a junior. After graduation, he published articles in the People’s Daily and was trained by the Communist Party for a long time. However, after Xi Jinping came to power, he demoted Hu Chunhua from the position of member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and vice premier of the State Council to vice chairman of the CPPCC. Hu Chunhua’s label of “abandoned prince” may now be reversed.

Who wrote Su Xiaohe as an analyst?

If Hu Chunhua’s 50-word criticism is true, the content is sharp and eye-catching. He mentioned “What else does China have? Nothing. After so many years of tossing and turning by Chairman Xi, we really have nothing.” He pointed out the unfair distribution of wealth, international isolation and public grievances, and pointed out that “people with a little knowledge, a little money and a little vision have run away”, reflecting the deep dissatisfaction with Xi Jinping’s policies. If such remarks come from Hu Chunhua, it shows that Hu Chunhua is no longer afraid of Xi Jinping’s authority. It may be a test of the waters carefully planned by Hu Jintao’s faction. Su Xiaohe believes that as a politician who “has both the power and the position”, Hu Chunhua needs to speak out at this time, otherwise he will be regarded as a coward by the political elders and lose the opportunity to succeed. Xi Jinping is impossible to please, and Hu Chunhua’s experience of being demoted to vice chairman of the CPPCC proves this. Hu Chunhua’s rise to power is in sync with Hu Haifeng’s appearance.

CCTV has not yet officially promoted Hu Chunhua. Hu Chunhua is still attending the CPPCC meeting. Hu Chunhua has been keeping his head down, and then he raised his head to appear. Wang Huning, Shi Taifeng, and Hu Chunhua are all in the shot for 3 seconds. But Wang Huning is a single shot for 3 seconds. Shi Taifeng and Hu Chunhua are both in the shot for 3 seconds. They are indeed strictly hierarchical. We need to continue to observe the subsequent changes in China’s political arena.

OK, thank you everyone.