惊爆：彭丽媛齐心都出事！！习在纯一斋 伤心欲绝。彭丽媛贾庆林马仔于文明被查。华国锋被罢黜后，演戏期间，也有阅兵

 

惊爆：彭丽媛齐心都出事！！习在纯一斋 伤心欲绝。彭丽媛贾庆林马仔于文明被查。华国锋被罢黜后，演戏期间，也有阅兵

大家好，
华国锋作为毛泽东指定的接班人，在1976年10月粉碎“四人帮”后，短暂担任中共中央主席、中央军委主席，成为最高领导人。然而，这一地位在1978年底的中共十一届三中全会后开始动摇。邓小平在会上复出，主导了改革开放的路线，逐步掌握了实际权力主导地位。全会标志着从“以阶级斗争为纲”转向经济建设，华国锋的“两个凡是”政策（凡是毛主席作出的决策、指示都必须遵循）逐渐失去支持，显示其影响力已受限。

1980年8月，中共中央政治局扩大会议成为转折点。陈云在会上公开要求华国锋“要有自知之明”，直接点明其权力已名存实亡。这一会议实质上为华国锋下台铺平了道路。1980年9月，华国锋在天安门广场主持庆祝建国31周年阅兵式，这是他最后一次以最高领导人身份公开露面。这一阅兵虽显示其名义上的领导地位，但实质上已是强弩之末。次年1981年6月，华国锋正式辞去中共中央主席职务，华国锋提名的胡耀邦接任。

从时间线看，1978年底邓小平复出后，华国锋的权力已开始削弱，到1980年8月陈云的批评更使其名存实亡。1980年9月的阅兵，更多是形式上的延续，反映了权力交接的过渡期。华国锋虽然没有立即下台，但实际决策权已移交邓小平，这一过程体现了中共内部通过会议和人事调整实现权力更替的惯常做法。阅兵式的举行，或许也带有一定象征意义，试图为华国锋的领导画上一个“体面”的句号，但历史已证明，邓小平才是那个时代的真正主导者。

这张照片写的很清楚。华国锋任职4年8个月，实际主政仅2年3个月。

我们继续说于文明和席德华。席德华又是解开了中共的整个历史。因为涉及到整个中共党史，我们要详细说一下。

1990年11月24日，人民日报 第4版(要闻) 专栏：

　　国务院召开第七十二次常务会议 原则通过行政监察条例草案 成立全国禁毒工作领导机构

新华社北京1990年11月23日电

国务院总理李鹏今天主持召开国务院第七十二次常务会议，讨论了《中华人民共和国行政监察条例（草案）》和成立全国禁毒工作领导机构问题。

会议认为，全国人大常委会和国务院在近几年发布了一些法律、法规，对监察机关的任务、职责和权力作了规定，推动了监察工作的开展。在改革、开放的新形势下，随着以廉政监察为重点的监察工作的全面开展，为加强行政监察，改善行政管理，提高行政效能，促进国家行政机关及其工作人员廉洁奉公，遵纪守法，制定这个条例是非常必要的。会议原则通过了这一条例草案，决定进一步修改后由国务院发布施行。

在讨论关于成立全国禁毒工作领导机构问题时，会议认为，我国在解放后针对旧社会遗留下来的严重贩毒、吸毒现象，集中力量进行了禁毒运动，取得了巨大的成绩，长期来国际上一直称我国为“无毒国”。但是近几年来，国际贩毒集团活动猖獗，使我国早已绝迹的贩毒、吸毒现象死灰复燃并有所蔓延。为了我国社会的安定、人民的健康和民族素质的提高，对贩毒、吸毒问题必须狠下决心，严加治理。为了加强对禁毒工作的领导，国务院决定成立国家禁毒委员会，负责研究确定禁毒方面的重要政策和措施，协调有关重大问题，统一领导全国的禁毒工作。国家禁毒委员会主任为国务委员兼公安部部长王芳，副主任为公安部副部长顾林昉、国务院副秘书长席德华、卫生部副部长胡熙明、海关总署副署长钱冠林，委员会的成员有有关部门负责同志。

1991年4月8日第七届全国人民代表大会第四次会议决定邹家华、朱镕基为副总理

1994年4月12日至14日，中共中央政治局常委、国务院副总理朱镕基来大庆考察。陪同考察的有国务院副秘书长席德华，国家计委副主任郭树言，国家体改委副主任马凯，铁道部部长韩杼滨，石油天然气总公司总经理王涛，石化总公司总经理盛华仁，航天工业总公司总经理朱育理，税务总局副局长卢仁法，开发银行党组书记、副行长屠由瑞，工商银行行长张肖，中国银行副行长杨惠求等国家有关部、委、公司的领导。

所以国务院副秘书长席德华，先后担任国务委员王芳，和国务院副总理朱镕基的大秘。

这就把整个历史串起来了。我们看王芳是怎么写的，1990年，因公安工作过于繁忙，身体原因辞去公安部长职务，1993年卸下国务委员职务后退休。这个是胡扯蛋，哪个公安部长，不工作繁忙呢，还能因为工作繁忙辞职呢。因为王芳是接任公安部长阮崇武，赵紫阳说的阮崇武是胡耀邦的人。

每个公安部长都是有后台的，阮崇武对应胡耀邦，王芳对应着朱镕基，和朱镕基的主子陈云。

大外宣总是说陈云提拔的江泽民，江泽民是胡耀邦提拔的，不是陈云提拔的。我先说的江泽民就是胡耀邦提拔的，不是陈云提拔的。人家江绵恒就是没有出席陈云120周年座谈会，不能是我不让江绵恒出席。

赵紫阳说的阮崇武是胡耀邦的人，但是江泽民和阮崇武的关系铁得很。

江泽民涉嫌包庇亲信阮崇武

香港《开放》杂志五月号报导，前中共海南省委书记、省长、现全国人大常委阮崇武在海南贪污腐化，飞扬跋扈，人称“海南太上皇”，但因为是江泽民的亲信，所以一直安然无恙。由于阮崇武与江泽民关系特殊，都曾受益于上海老市长汪道涵的栽培，阮崇武主政海南，得到了江泽民的充分信任。

阮崇武，尉健行都是赵紫阳背书，赵紫阳说他们是胡耀邦的人。赵紫阳是总书记，还有比总书记更明白的吗？

这名网友说，
最近看了你的很多影片，有点颠覆两年多的反贼历史观了。六个月前的影片说习是陈云派系的，胡是邓派的，江是毛的温和派，但是后面两个月前好像又说江的权力来源是邓，好像有点矛盾。墙外普遍认为华以后只有邓陈两个派系了，还有就是胡耀邦是华的人和朱是陈云的人比较让人吃惊，墙外一般认为都是邓派的，因为从施政来看比较开明。

我的回复是，江泽民是邓小平提拔总书记的。六四就是邓小平和陈云僵局。然后就启用了第三派系。第三个派系就是刚刚被邓小平和陈云联手赶下台的胡耀邦。

邓小平玩党内政治斗争他就玩不过陈云。简单，粗糙的理解，党政的权力是邓小平40%陈云60%。军队权力，邓小平80%，陈云是20%。邓小平每次玩不过陈云的时候，他就拿枪杆子霸王硬上弓。

公安部长王芳就是陈云的马仔，那么换上去的陶驷驹是谁呢？

陶驷驹到底是邓小平还是江泽民的马仔，我也不说好，我们看怎么说的。

邓小平1979年1月28日至2月5日访美，是冷战后中国领导人首次访美，而同年1月1日美国与台湾断交，中国安全人员如履薄冰，时任开国十大将军罗瑞卿办公室秘书的陶驷驹亦是负责安全人员之一。陶驷驹1993年对香港传媒说“我曾经有一次担任过出国的保护任务，随国家领导人到某个外国，当时就有一个类似三合会的组织，他们就出了800人，出来保护我们国家的领导人……对于任何组织、任何社团，他要搞犯罪活动、搞杀人、放火、抢劫，这我们都坚决反对的……但是他也有改过从善的，他有办好事的”。

法国国际广播电台引述知情者，指邓小平访美虽由美国警方负责，但为保万全，中国当局事前与跟台湾有关连的竹联帮负责人联络，一是摸清当地黑社会人士没有受雇伤害邓小平，二是要求对方协助。承诺协助保安的黑社会人士，据闻动员八百人沿途保护。至于是否所有八百人均属竹联帮成员，法国国际广播电台引述的知情者则不知。

陶驷驹当过邓小平的保镖，但是罗瑞卿那还是毛泽东的派系色彩比较重。我们接着看于文明，第一任中医药局的局长胡熙明，就是朱镕基的背景。

于文明怎么当上农工党的，我说就是贾庆林。这么说有点糙，但是掰开了揉碎了说，还是贾庆林，只不过中间有一个贾庆林的马仔尤兰田。基本就敲定了，于文明就是贾庆林的马仔，贾庆林提拔的习近平。

2004年4月 – 2007年5月，41岁的于文明任国家中医药管理局副局长

2007年5月 – 2007年12月，44岁的于文明任国家中医药管理局副局长，农工党北京市主委。当时的北京市统战部长是尤兰田 （2006年1月 – 2008年4月）。中国政协主席是贾庆林（2003年3月14日 – 2013年3月11日）

那么尤兰田和贾庆林是什么关系呢？

2001年2月，尤兰田任北京市崇文区委书记。当时的北京市委书记是贾庆林（1998年8月 – 2002年11月）

2009年9月 – 2015年9月，尤兰田任中国和平统一促进会第八届理事会秘书长，会长为贾庆林

尤兰田给贾庆林当过两次下属。就是贾庆林的马仔。

尤兰田是民生银行的独立董事。民生银行就是贾庆林，习近平，王岐山三家的地盘。

所以于文明是第一任中医药管理局局长胡熙明的马仔。胡熙明有彭丽媛和朱镕基的背景。
于文明是北京市统战部长尤兰田提拔的农工党北京主委。
尤兰田是贾庆林的大秘，马仔。
贾庆林提拔的习近平。
于文明怎么当上习近平他妈齐心的私人保健医生的，就是彭丽媛介绍的。

英文翻译

Shocking news: Peng Liyuan and Qi Xin are both in trouble!! Xi Jinping is heartbroken at Chunyizhai. Yu Wenming, a henchman of Peng Liyuan and Jia Qinglin, is under investigation. After Hua Guofeng’s ouster, there was also a military parade during his acting career.

Hello everyone,
As Mao Zedong’s designated successor, Hua Guofeng briefly served as Chairman of the CPC Central Committee and Chairman of the Central Military Commission after the crushing of the Gang of Four in October 1976, becoming the supreme leader. However, this position began to waver after the Third Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee in late 1978. Deng Xiaoping returned to power at the plenary session, spearheading the reform and opening-up policy and gradually assuming de facto power. The plenary session marked a shift from “taking class struggle as the key link” to economic development. Hua Guofeng’s “Two Whatevers” policy (which mandated that all decisions and instructions issued by Chairman Mao must be followed) gradually lost support, demonstrating the limits of his influence.

The enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee in August 1980 marked a turning point. At the meeting, Chen Yun publicly demanded that Hua Guofeng “be aware of his own limitations,” directly pointing out that his power was now in name only. This meeting effectively paved the way for Hua Guofeng’s resignation. In September 1980, Hua Guofeng presided over a military parade in Tiananmen Square celebrating the 31st anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China. This was his last public appearance as the supreme leader. While the parade demonstrated his nominal leadership, it was in reality a spent force. The following year, in June 1981, Hua Guofeng formally resigned as Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, and Hu Yaobang, whom Hua Guofeng nominated, took over.

From a chronological perspective, Hua Guofeng’s power had begun to weaken after Deng Xiaoping’s return in late 1978, and by August 1980, Chen Yun’s criticisms had further eroded his power. The September 1980 parade was more of a formal continuation, reflecting the transitional period of power transfer. Although Hua Guofeng did not step down immediately, actual decision-making power was transferred to Deng Xiaoping. This process reflects the common practice within the CCP of power transitions through meetings and personnel changes. The military parade may have had a certain symbolic significance, attempting to put a “decent” end to Hua Guofeng’s leadership, but history has proven that Deng Xiaoping was the true leader of that era.

This photo clearly illustrates this. Hua Guofeng served for four years and eight months, but was actually in power for only two years and three months.

Let’s continue with Yu Wenming and Xi Dehua. Xi Dehua has once again unraveled the entire history of the CCP. Because this involves the entire history of the CCP, we need to discuss it in detail.

November 24, 1990, People’s Daily, Page 4 (News) Column:

The State Council held its 72nd executive meeting and approved in principle the draft regulations on administrative supervision and established a national leading body for drug control.

Xinhua News Agency, Beijing, November 23, 1990

Premier Li Peng chaired the 72nd executive meeting of the State Council today, discussing the “Draft Regulations of the People’s Republic of China on Administrative Supervision” and the establishment of a national leading body for drug control.

The meeting recognized that the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress and the State Council have issued a number of laws and regulations in recent years that define the tasks, responsibilities, and powers of supervisory bodies, promoting supervisory work. Under the new circumstances of reform and opening up, and with the full implementation of supervisory work with a focus on anti-corruption supervision, the formulation of these regulations is essential to strengthen administrative supervision, improve administrative management, enhance administrative efficiency, and promote integrity and law-abidingness among state administrative organs and their personnel. The meeting approved the draft regulations in principle and decided that they would be promulgated and implemented by the State Council after further revisions.

During the discussion on establishing a national leading body for drug control, the meeting noted that after liberation, my country focused its efforts on drug control to address the serious drug trafficking and abuse left over from the old society, achieving remarkable results. For a long time, my country has been internationally hailed as a “drug-free country.” However, in recent years, the rampant activities of international drug trafficking syndicates have revived and spread drug trafficking and abuse, which had long been eradicated in my country. For the sake of social stability, the health of the people, and the improvement of the nation’s quality, drug trafficking and abuse must be resolutely and rigorously addressed. To strengthen leadership over drug control, the State Council decided to establish the National Narcotics Control Commission (NCC), which will be responsible for researching and formulating key policies and measures for drug control, coordinating major issues, and providing unified leadership for national drug control efforts. The NCC will be chaired by State Councilor and Minister of Public Security Wang Fang; its vice chairmen will be Deputy Minister of Public Security Gu Linfang, Deputy Secretary-General of the State Council Xi Dehua, Deputy Minister of Health Hu Ximing, and Deputy Director General of the General Administration of Customs Qian Guanlin. Members of the commission include officials from relevant departments.

On April 8, 1991, the Fourth Session of the Seventh National People’s Congress appointed Zou Jiahua and Zhu Rongji as Vice Premiers.

From April 12 to 14, 1994, Zhu Rongji, Member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and Vice Premier of the State Council, visited Daqing. Accompanying him were Xi Dehua, Deputy Secretary-General of the State Council; Guo Shuyan, Deputy Director of the State Planning Commission; Ma Kai, Deputy Director of the State Commission for Restructuring the Economic System; Han Zhubin, Minister of Railways; Wang Tao, General Manager of the China National Petroleum Corporation; Sheng Huaren, General Manager of the China Petrochemical Corporation; Zhu Yuli, General Manager of the China Aerospace Corporation; Lu Renfa, Deputy Director of the State Administration of Taxation; Tu Yourui, Secretary of the Party Leadership Group and Vice President of the China Development Bank; Zhang Xiao, President of the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China; Yang Huiqiu, Vice President of the Bank of China; and other leaders from relevant state ministries, commissions, and companies.

Thus, Xi Dehua, Deputy Secretary-General of the State Council, served successively as State Councilor Wang Fang and then as Chief Secretary to Vice Premier Zhu Rongji.

This ties together the entire historical story. Let’s look at what Wang Fang wrote. She resigned as Minister of Public Security in 1990 due to health reasons and excessively busy public security work. She retired in 1993 after stepping down as State Councilor. This is nonsense. Which public security minister wouldn’t be overwhelmed with work, and why would they resign due to a busy schedule? Wang Fang succeeded Ruan Chongwu, who Zhao Ziyang described as a Hu Yaobang associate.

Every public security minister has a backer. Ruan Chongwu corresponds to Hu Yaobang, while Wang Fang corresponds to Zhu Rongji and Zhu Rongji’s boss, Chen Yun.

The propaganda outlets always claim that Chen Yun promoted Jiang Zemin, but it was Hu Yaobang who promoted Jiang Zemin, not Chen Yun. As I mentioned earlier, it was Hu Yaobang who promoted Jiang Zemin, not Chen Yun. Jiang Mianheng didn’t attend the symposium marking the 120th anniversary of Chen Yun’s death. It’s not that I prevented Jiang Mianheng from attending.

Zhao Ziyang described Ruan Chongwu as a Hu Yaobang associate, but Jiang Zemin and Ruan Chongwu had a close relationship. Jiang Zemin Suspected of Protecting Close Confidant Ruan Chongwu

Hong Kong’s “Open” magazine reported in its May issue that Ruan Chongwu, former Hainan Provincial Party Secretary and Governor, and current member of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, was corrupt and domineering in Hainan, earning him the nickname “Hainan’s Emeritus.” However, because he was Jiang Zemin’s confidant, he remained unscathed. Due to Ruan Chongwu’s special relationship with Jiang Zemin, both benefited from the cultivation of former Shanghai Mayor Wang Daohan. Ruan Chongwu enjoyed Jiang Zemin’s full trust while governing Hainan.

Ruan Chongwu and Wei Jianxing were both endorsed by Zhao Ziyang, who described them as Hu Yaobang’s men. Zhao Ziyang was the General Secretary; who could understand this better than the General Secretary?

This netizen said,

I’ve watched many of your videos recently, and they’ve somewhat overturned the anti-treason view of history I’ve held for over two years. Six months ago, your videos claimed that Xi was from Chen Yun’s faction, Hu from Deng’s, and Jiang from Mao’s moderate faction. But then, two months ago, it seemed you were saying that Jiang’s power came from Deng. This seems a bit contradictory. Outside the Great Firewall, it’s generally believed that after Hua, there were only two factions: Deng and Chen. It’s also surprising that Hu Yaobang was Hua’s supporter, and Zhu was Chen Yun’s supporter. Outside the Great Firewall, they generally believe they were both Dengists, as their policies were more open-minded.

My response is that Jiang Zemin was promoted to General Secretary by Deng Xiaoping. The June 4th Incident was a stalemate between Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun. Then a third faction was activated. This third faction was Hu Yaobang, who had just been ousted by Deng Xiaoping and Chen Yun.

Deng Xiaoping couldn’t outmaneuver Chen Yun in intra-party political struggles. To put it simply, party and government power was 40% for Deng Xiaoping and 60% for Chen Yun. Military power was 80% for Deng Xiaoping and 20% for Chen Yun. Whenever Deng Xiaoping couldn’t outmaneuver Chen Yun, he resorted to force.

Minister of Public Security Wang Fang was Chen Yun’s henchman, so who was Tao Siju, the one who replaced him?

Whether Tao Siju was a henchman of Deng Xiaoping or Jiang Zemin, I’m not sure. We’ll see what the story says.

Deng Xiaoping visited the United States from January 28 to February 5, 1979, the first visit by a Chinese leader since the Cold War. On January 1 of the same year, the United States severed diplomatic ties with Taiwan, and Chinese security personnel were on thin ice. Tao Siju, then serving as secretary in the office of Luo Ruiqing, one of the ten founding generals of the People’s Republic of China, was one of the security personnel in charge. In 1993, Tao Siju told Hong Kong media, “I once served on an overseas protection mission, accompanying a national leader to a foreign country. At the time, there was a triad-like organization, and they sent 800 people to protect our national leader… We firmly oppose any organization or society that engages in criminal activities, such as murder, arson, and robbery… But there are also those who have reformed and done good things.”

Radio France Internationale, citing an insider, reported that while American police were responsible for Deng Xiaoping’s visit to the US, Chinese authorities, to ensure safety, contacted leaders of the Taiwan-linked Bamboo Union gang beforehand. Their goal was to ensure that no local gang members had been hired to harm Deng Xiaoping and to request their assistance. The gang members, who pledged security, reportedly mobilized 800 people for protection along the way. The insider cited by Radio France Internationale was unsure whether all 800 individuals were members of the Bamboo Union.

Tao Siju served as Deng Xiaoping’s bodyguard, but Luo Ruiqing’s position was more closely aligned with Mao Zedong’s faction. Next, let’s look at Yu Wenming. Hu Ximing, the first director of the State Administration of Traditional Chinese Medicine, had Zhu Rongji’s background.

As for how Yu Wenming became a member of the Peasants’ and Workers’ Party, I say it was Jia Qinglin. That’s a bit crude, but when you break it down, it’s still Jia Qinglin, with one of Jia’s henchmen, You Lantian, in the middle. It’s basically confirmed: Yu Wenming is Jia Qinglin’s henchman, and it was Jia Qinglin who promoted Xi Jinping.

From April 2004 to May 2007, 41-year-old Yu Wenming served as Deputy Director of the State Administration of Traditional Chinese Medicine.

From May 2007 to December 2007, 44-year-old Yu Wenming served as Deputy Director of the State Administration of Traditional Chinese Medicine and Chairman of the Beijing Municipal Committee of the China Democratic League. At the time, the Beijing Municipal United Front Work Department Minister was You Lantian (January 2006 to April 2008). The Chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference was Jia Qinglin (March 14, 2003 to March 11, 2013).

So what is the relationship between You Lantian and Jia Qinglin?

In February 2001, You Lantian served as Secretary of the Chongwen District Committee of Beijing. The then-Secretary of the Beijing Municipal Party Committee was Jia Qinglin (August 1998–November 2002).

From September 2009 to September 2015, You Lantian served as Secretary-General of the Eighth Council of the China Association for Promoting Peaceful Reunification, with Jia Qinglin as its President.

You Lantian served under Jia Qinglin twice. He was Jia Qinglin’s henchman.

You Lantian was an independent director of China Minsheng Bank. China Minsheng Bank was the domain of Jia Qinglin, Xi Jinping, and Wang Qishan.

Thus, Yu Wenming was a henchman of Hu Ximing, the first Director of the State Administration of Traditional Chinese Medicine. Hu Ximing had connections with Peng Liyuan and Zhu Rongji.

Yu Wenming was promoted by You Lantian, the Beijing Municipal United Front Work Department Minister, to become the Beijing Chairman of the China Democratic League.
You Lantian was Jia Qinglin’s chief aide and henchman.
Jia Qinglin promoted Xi Jinping.
How did Yu Wenming become Xi Jinping’s mother, Qi Xin’s, personal physician? Peng Liyuan introduced him.