央视再播习视察枯水期黄河，预告下台。王毅接受中纪委调查。王毅和澳大利亚大使肖千的关系。澳大利亚总理跪舔中共。2月的中央文件就已经取消习核心地位

 

央视再播习视察枯水期黄河，预告下台。王毅接受中纪委调查。王毅和澳大利亚大使肖千的关系。澳大利亚总理跪舔中共。2月的中央文件就已经取消习核心地位

大家好，
2025年7月15日，新闻联播又没有习近平的实质性报道。
这次连贺电贺信都没有。央视居然又一次播放了习近平10个月之前
2024年9月11日，视察枯水期黄河的画面。
这是习近平三中全会丧失大权之后，第一次出去考察。
不到黄河心不死，这都已经到黄河了，该死心了。
央视再一次播放习近平去黄河的画面不知道是不是高级黑。
预示着，马上就要召开四中全会，官宣习近平下台。

因为一次观察的起点就是二十届三中全会。
所有习近平丧失大权的迹象的，都是三中全会之后发生的。
央视又一次报道三中全会之后，习近平第一次外出考察。
回到故事的起点。到底是低级红，还是故意的高级黑。
那就不知道。存心播放，习近平视察黄河，死心了的画面。那就不知道了。

然后新闻联播接着播发了一个
中共中央关于加强新时代审判工作的意见
这个也挺诡异的，这是5月之前的意见，
写的很清楚2025年2月8日
这是中共的官方文件，这里面有习思想，2442，但是没有习核心。
这是我给大家总结的三大元素，习核心，2442，简版就是两个确立两个拥护
习思想。
这个不单是三大元素说满，还能复读。
这个
中共中央关于加强新时代审判工作的意见，就把习思想复读了两遍。
首先这个调子，还是文章的长度有关，
这个三大元素只需要三四百字的文章，就可以说一遍了。

字数少的文章，提习近平的次数多，那么调子很容易就升高。
这个审判工作的意见，长达5000多字。这里面只提了4次习近平的名字。
这个调子就很低了。
5000字都没有把三大元素说满，虽然他说了两次习思想，一次2442。
什么都不说就把习近平彻底下架了。

这里面最重要的问题就是为什么2月份的文件， 压倒7月份才发呢。
我觉得他们在掩盖习近平丧失了核心地位有关。
习近平是在2025年3月31日政治局会议的公告上，被官宣取消了核心地位。
4月的政治局会议又恢复了，5月的政治局会议没有公开，6月的政治局会议再次取消。

我说过是中共内部要赶习近平下台，不是我们编出来的。
要不然为什么一直有新的证据出现呢。
这个天天编也编不出来啊。
2月的中央文件，7月份才公布，里面没有习核心。
这是基本事实，里面的确有习思想，2442，但是的确没有习核心。
这是一份很重要的文件，打着中共中央的名头。而且是指导全中国的法院工作。

这里面说了党中央，但是就没有说以习近平为核心的党中央。

澳大利亚总理阿尔巴尼斯访华。
估计习近平要出来接待一下。如果习近平不出来，那就是彻底不演了。
我们今天就要分析一下，中国驻澳大利亚大使肖千的派系背景。
分析一下
澳大利亚总理阿尔巴尼斯跪舔中共的利益得失问题。
首先澳大利亚的官方媒体，就是一个共产党的媒体。
阿尔巴尼斯对上海市委书记陈吉宁使用的外交语言引起了特别强烈的共鸣。

这都跟共产党共鸣了，这还不是共产党吗？

我们看看澳大利亚媒体有多恶心。
周日，澳大利亚总理阿尔巴尼斯对中共上海市委书记陈吉宁说，澳大利亚和中国 “以冷静而稳定的方式互动”。

“我们希望继续致力于我们的国家利益，与中国保持良好关系符合我们的利益。”

这是一种礼貌的外交语言，在正式出访的双边会谈时这么说让人一点都提不起兴趣。但这一次，鉴于我们另一个国际上的重要伙伴——美国，几乎没有发出什么让人感到 “冷静而稳定 ”的声音，这番话引起了特别强烈的共鸣。

川普总统在全球范围内发动了持续不断且日益升级的贸易战，特别是针对与中国有密切经济关系的那些国家。

此外，他还不断向盟友施压，要求盟友增加国防开支以应对美国今后可能在世界各地撤军及削减军费的情况。

上周末，美国总统就计划对欧盟和墨西哥征收关税事宜又发表了声明。

迄今为止，澳大利亚还没有听到任何关于进一步征收惩罚性关税的消息。

但在战略前沿，美国国防部负责政策的副防长埃尔布里奇·科尔比（Elbridge Colby）的表态标志着美国敦促欧洲北约国家增加国防开支的做法正蔓延到亚太地区。

据《金融时报》（ Financial Times）报道，美国国防部正在向日本和澳大利亚施压，要求两国明确表态假如美国和中国就台湾问题开战，自己将发挥什么样的作用。

这不仅是美国政府又一次试图在支出方面向其所有盟友施加压力，而且由于“奥库斯”（AUKUS）协议的存在，这个问题还为澳大利亚提出了一系列与众不同的问题。

简单说，就是美国国防部副部长，要求澳大利亚表态。如果美国和中国就台湾问题开战，澳大利亚要不要参战。
首先澳大利亚没得选择，澳大利亚百分百必须参战。
因为从军事上说，如果中国入侵台湾，就等于入侵日本和澳大利亚。
尖阁列岛就是挨着台湾。只要中国打台湾，肯定顺手把尖阁列岛，中国称钓鱼岛给占领了。
澳大利亚的航道肯定也会被封锁。
现在澳大利亚想挣中国的钱不愿意表态。
如果真的打仗，澳大利亚不参战，就等于要亡国。

澳大利亚如果不参战的话，难道让美国替澳大利亚去保卫台湾吗？

“奥库斯”协议加大了这种可能性，让人不禁会问这项潜艇交易是否会让我们在中美因台湾问题发生冲突时被卷入其中。

更重要的是，澳大利亚总理刚刚抵达上海，美国对澳、日两国施压的消息就出现了。从时间点上看，没有几个人会认为这是巧合，目的有可能是为了破坏两国关系的改善，并左右阿尔巴尼斯此次访华的报道。

在被问及达尔文港问题时，阿尔巴尼斯表示，他相信习近平已经了解澳方的立场——澳大利亚希望收回该港口。目前，中国国有企业岚桥集团掌握了达尔文港99年的租约。

“如果这个问题被提及，我们的立场非常明确。我确信[习]主席对此非常清楚且了解情况，”阿尔巴尼斯说。

关于澳籍华裔作家杨恒均博士仍被中国关押的问题，阿尔巴尼斯表示：“我们总会提出涉及澳大利亚公民的问题。”

当另一位记者准备询问他将如何向习近平表达对中国舰队今年早些时候在塔斯曼海举行实弹演习的看法时，阿尔巴尼斯打断了提问：

“我会与习主席进行讨论。我会像对待其他国家领导人一样尊重他，不会提前一天就预先透露一切。”

记者还问道，中国可能会监视“护身军刀”演习，这是否是“朋友”的行为？

简单说，就是澳大利亚和中国的外交争端包括，达尔文港，杨恒均，中国在澳大利亚近海实弹演习等问题。

但是澳大利亚总理阿尔巴尼斯选择跪舔中共，忽视这些问题。

目的不就是为了卖铁矿石，卖牛肉，卖红酒。
虽然中国经济大不如前，但是还能支撑一段时间，先把钱挣了再说。

今天是澳大利亚总理阿尔巴尼斯此次访华行程关键的商务活动日。他出席了由澳大利亚铁矿石开采企业（包括必和必拓、福特斯克、汉考克、力拓）与中国钢铁制造企业（包括宝武、鞍钢、河北钢铁、首钢、沙钢）之间举行的减碳圆桌会议。

阿尔巴尼斯率领了一个庞大的商业代表团。周一将在上海市中心具有历史意义的和平饭店出席一场有约200名澳中商界领袖参与的商务午宴，并会盛赞过去数十年澳中贸易的迅猛增长。

当日菜单预计将包含澳大利亚的红酒、龙虾和红肉——这些产品曾因2020年两国关系紧张而遭到中国实施进口限制，但随着北京逐步撤销这些壁垒，相关出口已迅速恢复。

也就是说阿尔巴尼司访华的主要原因就是中国取消了对澳大利亚的红酒，龙虾，红肉的
进口限制。

综合路透社和法新社报道，阿尔巴尼斯星期五（2024年12月20日）在声明中说，在收到北京的通知后，澳洲龙虾可立即恢复输华。

中国外交政策转变都是在三中全会
三中全会之后中国解禁了澳洲龙虾的进口。

所以我要看一看，中国驻澳大利亚大使肖千的派系背景。
看看澳大利亚总理阿尔巴尼斯是否做出了理性的选择。

肖千还真是有意外收获，我说过这个派系分析就是反查字典。
不要刻意去找。刻意去找也未必能找得到。
无心插柳柳成荫，这就是你去英汉字典里面找，一个汉语的英文意思。

如果不是刚好翻到这一页，如果不是刚好看到肖千。
你不会想到肖千早期的上级居然是他。

1986-1990，22岁的肖千任中华人民共和国驻埃塞俄比亚大使馆职员、随员。当时的大使是张瑞杰 （1985年7月 – 1987年6月）

1990-1993，26岁的肖千任中华人民共和国外交部亚洲司随员、三秘

1993-1996，29岁的肖千任中华人民共和国驻印度共和国大使馆三秘、二秘。大使是程瑞声 （1991年9月 – 1994年11月），裴远颖 (1995年1月 – 1998年3月)

1996-2000，32岁的肖千任中华人民共和国外交部亚洲司二秘、副处长、处长。当时的司长是王毅（1995年 – 1998年），张九桓（1998年 – 2000年）

有点意思吧，肖千在亚洲司担任副处长，处长的时候，亚洲司司长是王毅。
这个王毅，不是别的王毅，就是现任中国外交部长王毅。

肖千大概率是王毅的马仔。也就是说，谁邀请澳大利亚总理阿尔巴尼斯访华的，
就是中国的外交部长王毅。

王毅的派系背景我也没有破解。
但是今天我们从肖千这里，要看出端倪了。
肖千在担任王毅的下属之前，是在中国驻印度大使馆，担任三秘二秘。
我们看一下当时中国驻印度大使程瑞声。

1963年7月，中共中央决定派耿飚出任驻缅甸大使
习近平曾经担任过耿飙的秘书。
这就有点接近答案了。

1963年7月，中央决定派耿飚担任驻缅甸大使。耿飚感到任务重大，义不容辞。当陈毅副总理兼外长找他谈话时，他表示：“党派我去，我就去。”在赴缅前，中央主要领导同志都同耿飚谈了话。
毛泽东指示耿飚，注意把国家之间关系同党的关系区别开，

1964年2月14日，周恩来总理（左一）、陈毅副总理（右一）访缅时拜会奈温主席（左二）。

中间这个翻译可能就是程瑞声，我不是百分百确定。

周恩来，陈毅，和习仲勋习近平是一个派系。
提拔苗华的人可以追溯到陈毅这里。枪杆子背书那是最有说服力的。

1987年，程瑞声担任中华人民共和国驻缅甸大使。1991年程瑞声担任中华人民共和国驻印度大使。

纳拉亚南也是我个人的老朋友。在纳拉亚南任驻华大使时，我任外交部亚洲司副司长，常有机会出席他和夫人的小型宴会。他给我的印象是学识渊博、待人诚恳。特别使我高兴的是，他和我一样，也曾在缅甸工作过，担任过印度驻缅甸使馆的一秘，对缅甸情况很熟悉。我们常就缅甸情况交换意见。

他的夫人乌莎是缅甸人，性格活泼，也会缅甸语，于是我和乌莎常用缅甸语交谈。纳拉亚南幽默地说，缅甸语对他来说，就像“密码”一样，无法破解。

印度副总统纳拉亚南，娶了一个缅甸人的夫人，按照规定外交人员是不可以和外国人结婚的
。
原来，印度的外交官一般是不允许同外国人结婚的，但纳拉亚南埋头苦干、才智出众，深得当时印度总理兼外长尼赫鲁的赏识，就亲自批准了他和乌莎的婚事。

程瑞声会说缅甸语，这种小语种，会说的人很少。
耿飙是中国驻缅甸大使，习近平是耿飙的秘书。
如果王毅和中国驻澳大利亚大使肖千绑定，和中国驻缅甸和印度大使程瑞声绑定。
王毅和程瑞声都是亚洲司的司长，副司长。
我不确定王毅和程瑞声在亚洲司有没有直接的交集。

所以，王毅就是习近平派系的。

程瑞声是北京外国语学院肄业。
北京外国语学院现在应该是北京外国语大学吧，
王毅是二外的。
不是一个学校的。

从中国的政局来说，秦刚，王毅
李尚福，董军都是习近平的人。
那就证明秦刚和李尚福都是胡锦涛派李希抓的。
在胡锦涛发动军事政变之前，习近平已经尽自己最大的努力防守了。
习近平用王毅防守外交部，用董军防守国防部。
但是在三中全会上，习近平没有把董军扶进军委委员。
这是一个事实。

就是文斗不好使，最后开始武斗了

所以澳洲总理阿尔巴尼斯，跪舔中国的选择是否正确，不好说。
就是王毅邀请阿尔巴尼斯访华的。
但是王毅到底是听命于习近平还是中国总理李强不好说
这里面还有一个因素，李强的闺女李颖曾经留学澳大利亚。

也就说是习近平在四中全会正式下台之后，
新的总书记会不会继承和澳大利亚友好的路线不好说。
因为中国和澳大利亚友好的路线，本来就是在三中全会之后转变的。
但是人事还没有变动。
中国驻澳大利亚大使肖千就是习近平的马仔。

肯定会更换的，暂时没有更换，只是为了保持外交的稳定。

好的，谢谢大家。

英文翻译

CCTV broadcasts Xi Jinping’s inspection of the Yellow River during the dry season again, foreshadowing his downfall. Wang Yi is under investigation by the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. The relationship between Wang Yi and Australian Ambassador Xiao Qian. The Australian Prime Minister’s sycophancy towards the CCP. A central document from February already revoked Xi’s core position.

Hello everyone, on July 15, 2025, the evening news again lacked substantive reports about Xi Jinping.

This time, not even a congratulatory telegram or letter. CCTV actually broadcast footage again of Xi Jinping’s inspection of the Yellow River during the dry season, 10 months earlier, on September 11, 2024.

This was Xi Jinping’s first inspection tour after losing power at the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee.

He won’t give up until he reaches the Yellow River; now that he’s there, he should give up.

CCTV’s re-broadcast of Xi Jinping’s visit to the Yellow River is perhaps a subtle dig.

It foreshadows the upcoming Fourth Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee, officially announcing Xi Jinping’s resignation. Xi Jinping’s biography.

Because the starting point for this observation is the Third Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee.

All signs of Xi Jinping losing power occurred after the Third Plenary Session.

CCTV once again reported on Xi Jinping’s first inspection tour after the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee.

Back to the beginning of the story. Was it a low-level attempt to promote Xi Jinping, or a deliberate attempt to subtly criticize him?

That’s unknown. Was the intentional broadcast of Xi Jinping inspecting the Yellow River, a scene of apparent despair? That’s also unknown.

Then, the evening news broadcast a document titled “Opinions of the CPC Central Committee on Strengthening Judicial Work in the New Era.” This is also quite strange. This is an opinion from before May, clearly dated February 8, 2025.

This is an official CPC document. It contains Xi Jinping Thought, 2442, but not Xi Jinping’s core leadership.

These are the three key elements I’ve summarized for everyone: Xi Jinping’s core leadership, 2442, or in short, two establishments and two endorsements of Xi Jinping Thought.

This not only fully mentions these three elements but also repeats them.

This “Opinions of the CPC Central Committee on Strengthening Judicial Work in the New Era” repeats Xi Jinping Thought twice.

Firstly, the tone is related to the length of the document.

These three key elements can be explained in just three or four hundred words.

Short articles that mention Xi Jinping frequently tend to raise the tone.

This opinion on the trial process is over 5000 words long. It only mentions Xi Jinping’s name four times.

This tone is much lower.

Even 5000 words don’t fully cover the three key elements, although it mentions Xi Jinping Thought twice and the 2442 principle once.

It completely removes Xi Jinping from power without saying anything.

The most important question here is why the document from February was delayed until July.

I think it’s related to covering up Xi Jinping’s loss of core position.

Xi Jinping’s core position was officially revoked in the announcement of the Politburo meeting on March 31, 2025.

The Politburo meeting resumed in April, the Politburo meeting in May was not publicized, and the Politburo meeting in June was canceled again.

I’ve said before that it’s an internal CCP effort to remove Xi Jinping from power, not something we fabricated.

Otherwise, why would new evidence keep emerging?

This is something you can’t fabricate every day.

The central government document from February, only released in July, did not mention Xi Jinping as the core leader.

This is a basic fact. It does contain Xi Jinping Thought (2442), but it definitely does not mention Xi Jinping as the core leader.

This is a very important document, bearing the name of the CCP Central Committee. Moreover, it guides the work of courts throughout China.

It mentions the Party Central Committee, but it doesn’t say the Party Central Committee with Xi Jinping as its core.

Australian Prime Minister Albanese is visiting China.

It’s estimated that Xi Jinping will receive him. If Xi Jinping doesn’t, then he’s completely stopped pretending.

Today we will analyze the factional background of Xiao Qian, the Chinese Ambassador to Australia.

We will analyze the gains and losses of Australian Prime Minister Albanese’s appeasement of the CCP.

First of all, Australia’s official media is essentially a Communist Party media outlet.

The diplomatic language Albanese used to address Shanghai Party Secretary Chen Jining resonated particularly strongly.

This resonates with the Communist Party; isn’t this still Communist Party behavior?

Let’s see how disgusting the Australian media is.

On Sunday, Australian Prime Minister Albanese told Shanghai Party Secretary Chen Jining that Australia and China are “interacting in a calm and stable manner.”

“We want to remain committed to our national interests, and maintaining good relations with China is in our interest.”

This is polite diplomatic language, hardly inspiring during formal bilateral talks. But this time, given the lack of “calm and stable” pronouncements from another key international partner—the United States—it resonated particularly strongly.

President Trump has launched a sustained and escalating trade war globally, particularly targeting countries with close economic ties to China.

Furthermore, he has continuously pressured allies to increase defense spending in anticipation of potential U.S. troop withdrawals and budget cuts around the world.

Last weekend, the U.S. President issued another statement regarding planned tariffs on the EU and Mexico.

So far, Australia has not heard any news about further punitive tariffs.

But at the strategic frontier, the statement from Elbridge Colby, the U.S. Deputy Secretary of Defense for Policy, signals that the U.S. pressure on European NATO countries to increase defense spending is spreading to the Asia-Pacific region.

According to the Financial Times, the US Department of Defense is pressuring Japan and Australia to clearly state their role should the US and China go to war over Taiwan.

This is not only another attempt by the US government to pressure all its allies on spending, but also presents Australia with a unique set of questions due to the existence of the AUKUS agreement.

Simply put, the US Deputy Secretary of Defense is demanding a statement from Australia regarding whether it will participate in a war between the US and China over Taiwan.

First and foremost, Australia has no choice; it absolutely must participate.

Militarily speaking, if China invades Taiwan, it would be tantamount to invading Japan and Australia.

The Senkaku Islands are adjacent to Taiwan. If China attacks Taiwan, it will certainly seize the Senkaku Islands, which China calls the Diaoyu Islands.

Australia’s shipping lanes would also be blocked.

Currently, Australia wants to profit from China and is unwilling to take a stand.

If war breaks out, Australia’s refusal to participate would be tantamount to national subjugation.

If Australia doesn’t participate in the war, is the US supposed to defend Taiwan for Australia?

The Okus agreement increases this possibility, raising questions about whether this submarine deal could drag us into a conflict between the US and China over Taiwan.

More importantly, the timing of the Australian Prime Minister’s arrival in Shanghai, followed by news of US pressure on Australia and Japan, seems unlikely to be a coincidence. The aim is likely to undermine improved relations and influence media coverage of Albanese’s visit to China.

When asked about the Darwin port issue, Albanese stated that he believes Xi Jinping is aware of Australia’s position—Australia wants to reclaim the port. Currently, the Chinese state-owned enterprise Landbridge Group holds a 99-year lease on Darwin. (Xi Jinping biography)

“If this issue is raised, our position is very clear. I am confident that President [Xi] is very clear about this and understands the situation,” Albanese said. Regarding the continued detention of Australian writer of Chinese descent, Dr. Yang Hengjun, in China, Albanese stated, “We always raise questions involving Australian citizens.”

When another reporter prepared to ask how he would convey his views to Xi Jinping on the live-fire exercises conducted by the Chinese fleet in the Tasman Sea earlier this year, Albanese interrupted the question:

“I will discuss this with President Xi. I will treat him with the same respect I would show to any other leader, and I will not reveal everything a day in advance.”

The reporter also asked whether China’s possible surveillance of the “Talisman Sabre” exercises was an act of “friendship.”

In short, the diplomatic disputes between Australia and China include Darwin, Yang Hengjun, and China’s live-fire exercises off the coast of Australia.

However, Australian Prime Minister Albanese chooses to curry favor with the CCP and ignore these issues.

His aim is simply to sell iron ore, beef, and wine.

Although the Chinese economy is not as strong as before, it can still sustain itself for a while; making money comes first.

Today is a key business day for Australian Prime Minister Albanese’s current visit to China. He attended a roundtable discussion on carbon reduction between Australian iron ore mining companies (including BHP Billiton, Fortescue, Hancock, and Rio Tinto) and Chinese steel manufacturers (including Baowu Steel, Ansteel, Hebei Iron & Steel, Shougang Group, and Shagang Group).

Albarnis led a large business delegation. On Monday, he will attend a business luncheon at the historic Peace Hotel in downtown Shanghai, attended by approximately 200 Australian and Chinese business leaders, and will praise the rapid growth of Australia-China trade over the past few decades.

The menu is expected to include Australian wine, lobster, and red meat—products that faced import restrictions from China due to tensions in bilateral relations in 2020, but whose exports have quickly recovered as Beijing has gradually lifted these barriers.

In other words, the main reason for Albanis’s visit to China is the lifting of import restrictions on Australian wine, lobster, and red meat.

According to Reuters and AFP reports, Albanese stated in a statement on Friday (December 20, 2024) that Australian lobster imports to China could resume immediately after receiving notification from Beijing.

China’s foreign policy shifts all occurred after the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee.

China lifted the ban on Australian lobster imports after the Third Plenary Session.

Therefore, I want to examine the factional background of Xiao Qian, the Chinese ambassador to Australia.

To see if Australian Prime Minister Albanese made a rational choice.

Xiao Qian has indeed made an unexpected discovery. As I said before, this factional analysis is like looking up a dictionary in reverse.

Don’t deliberately search for it. Even if you do, you might not find it.

A chance encounter can lead to unexpected success; this is like looking up the English meaning of a Chinese word in an English-Chinese dictionary.

If you hadn’t happened to turn to this page, if you hadn’t happened to see Xiao Qian,

you wouldn’t have guessed that Xiao Qian’s early superior was actually him.

From 1986 to 1990, 22-year-old Xiao Qian served as a staff member and attaché at the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in Ethiopia. The ambassador at the time was Zhang Ruijie (July 1985 – June 1987).

From 1990 to 1993, Xiao Qian, at the age of 26, served as Attaché and Third Secretary in the Department of Asian Affairs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China.

From 1993 to 1996, Xiao Qian, at the age of 29, served as Third Secretary and Second Secretary at the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in the Republic of India. The ambassadors were Cheng Ruisheng (September 1991 – November 1994) and Pei Yuanying (January 1995 – March 1998).

From 1996 to 2000, Xiao Qian, at the age of 32, served as Second Secretary, Deputy Director, and Director in the Department of Asian Affairs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China. The Director-General at the time was Wang Yi (1995 – 1998) and Zhang Jiuhuan (1998 – 2000).

Interesting, isn’t it? When Xiao Qian was Deputy Director-General in the Department of Asian Affairs, the Director-General of the Department of Asian Affairs was Wang Yi.

This Wang Yi is none other than the current Chinese Foreign Minister, Wang Yi. Xiao Qian is highly likely a henchman of Wang Yi. In other words, who invited Australian Prime Minister Albanese to visit China?

It was Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi.

I haven’t figured out Wang Yi’s factional background either.

But today, we can glean some clues from Xiao Qian.

Before serving as Wang Yi’s subordinate, Xiao Qian was a third secretary and second secretary at the Chinese Embassy in India.

Let’s look at Cheng Ruisheng, the Chinese Ambassador to India at the time.

In July 1963, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China decided to send Geng Biao as Ambassador to Burma.

Xi Jinping once served as Geng Biao’s secretary.

This brings us closer to the answer. (Xi Jinping Biography)

In July 1963, the Central Committee decided to send Geng Biao as Ambassador to Burma. Geng Biao felt the task was weighty and his duty was paramount. When Vice Premier and Foreign Minister Chen Yi spoke with him, he said, “If the Party sends me, I will go.” Before going to Burma, the main leaders of the Central Committee all spoke with Geng Biao.

Mao Zedong instructed Geng Biao to pay attention to distinguishing between relations between states and relations between the parties.

On February 14, 1964, Premier Zhou Enlai (first from left) and Vice Premier Chen Yi (first from right) visited Burma and met with President Ne Win (second from left).

The translator in the middle might be Cheng Ruisheng, but I’m not 100% certain.

Zhou Enlai, Chen Yi, and Xi Zhongxun (Xi Jinping) belong to the same faction.

The person who promoted Miao Hua can be traced back to Chen Yi. Military backing is the most convincing.

In 1987, Cheng Ruisheng served as the Ambassador of the People’s Republic of China to Burma. In 1991, Cheng Ruisheng served as the Ambassador of the People’s Republic of China to India.

Narayanan is also an old friend of mine. When Narayanan was the Ambassador to China, I was the Deputy Director-General of the Department of Asian Affairs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and I often had the opportunity to attend small banquets hosted by him and his wife. My impression of him was that he was erudite and sincere. What particularly pleased me was that, like me, he had also worked in Myanmar, serving as First Secretary at the Indian Embassy there, and was very familiar with the situation there. We often exchanged views on the situation in Myanmar.

His wife, Usa, was Burmese, lively, and spoke Burmese, so Usa and I often conversed in Burmese. Narayanan humorously remarked that Burmese was like a “code” to him, impossible to decipher.

Indian Vice President Narayanan married a Burmese woman, which is against regulations for diplomats marrying foreigners.

Previously, Indian diplomats were generally not allowed to marry foreigners, but Narayanan’s hard work and exceptional intelligence earned him the appreciation of then-Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Nehru, who personally approved his marriage to Usa.

Cheng Ruisheng speaks Burmese, a less common language.

Geng Biao is the Chinese Ambassador to Myanmar, and Xi Jinping is Geng Biao’s secretary.

If Wang Yi is associated with Xiao Qian, the Chinese Ambassador to Australia, then he is associated with Cheng Ruisheng, the Chinese Ambassador to Myanmar and India.

Wang Yi and Cheng Ruisheng are both directors and deputy directors of the Department of Asian Affairs.

I’m unsure if Wang Yi and Cheng Ruisheng had any direct interaction within the Department of Asian Affairs.

Therefore, Wang Yi belongs to Xi Jinping’s faction.

Cheng Ruisheng studied at Beijing Foreign Studies University (BFSU).

BFSU is now Beijing Foreign Studies University, right?

Wang Yi studied at Beijing Foreign Studies University (BFSU).

They are not from the same school.

From the perspective of Chinese politics, Qin Gang, Wang Yi, Li Shangfu, and Dong Jun are all Xi Jinping’s people.

That proves that Qin Gang and Li Shangfu were arrested by Li Xi, who was sent by Hu Jintao.

Before Hu Jintao launched the military coup, Xi Jinping had already done his best to defend himself.

Xi Jinping used Wang Yi to defend the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Dong Jun to defend the Ministry of National Defense.

However, at the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee, Xi Jinping did not promote Dong Jun to the Central Military Commission.

This is a fact.

It means that verbal struggle didn’t work, and finally, physical struggle began.

Therefore, whether Australian Prime Minister Albanese’s choice to kowtow to China was correct is hard to say.

It was Wang Yi who invited Albanese to visit China.

However, it’s unclear whether Wang Yi is subordinate to Xi Jinping or Premier Li Qiang.

Another factor is that Li Qiang’s daughter, Li Ying, studied in Australia. (Xi Jinping biography)

In other words, after Xi Jinping officially stepped down at the Fourth Plenary Session,

it’s uncertain whether the new General Secretary will continue the friendly policy towards Australia.

Because the friendly policy between China and Australia actually shifted after the Third Plenary Session.

But personnel changes haven’t occurred yet. Xiao Qian, the Chinese ambassador to Australia, is a close associate of Xi Jinping.

He will definitely be replaced; the reason he hasn’t been replaced yet is simply to maintain diplomatic stability.

Okay, thank you everyone.