为什么五毛炸锅了，对胡温出席这么敏感？黄建发身上的接班人密码？谁掌握了人事大权，谁就是总书记。为什么他是江派共主？

 

为什么五毛炸锅了，对胡温出席这么敏感？黄建发身上的接班人密码？谁掌握了人事大权，谁就是总书记。为什么他是江派共主？

大家好，
我们来说黄建发这个特别重要核心的人物
黄建发就是中组部长的一个正部级的副部长。
连中组部常务副部长还没有当上。姜信治暂时还没有下去。
黄建发官方的说法是协助常务副部长的正部级副部长。
常在的常在，答应的答应。但是应该是临时的，姜信治肯定要下去。
应该是黄建发接替姜信治。即便黄建发接替中组部常务副部长，
那也不过是正部级，连政治局委员都不是。
石泰峰这个中组部长也就是个政治局委员。连常委都不是距离中共的核心很远。

中共只有这12个人掌权核心权力。但是石泰峰身份特殊的原因在于
他和胡锦涛胡春华是绑定的。
石泰峰是胡锦涛的马仔，他担任中组部长，就意味着胡春华要接班。
石泰峰本身并没有什么特殊。
同样呢，黄建发虽然只是一个中组部常务副部长，但是他的实际权力完全可以，
跟石泰峰这个中组部长媲美。肯定是差点意思，但是实力权力不会小很多。

之前传言的中组部常务副部长是邹晓东是路甬祥担任浙江大学校长期间的秘书
路甬祥和江绵恒是中科院的同事，一个院长，一个副院长。
如果是邹晓东担任中组部常务副部长的话，那么江绵恒就是江派的共主。
事实上不是，江绵恒他不行。
曾庆红也不行。
这名网友说，曾庆红应该是现在的江派共主吧
我的回复是，这是典型的大外宣的说法，反常识。
现在退休常委之中，江派只有张德江的排名最高。
朱镕基和贾庆林是习近平派系的，胡锦涛李瑞环，温家宝都是胡锦涛派系的。
从排名上说，就是张德江是江派共主。

我们分析了黄建发的派系背景，就可以知道。
谁掌握人事大权，谁说了算。
同样都是江派的人，为什么黄建发就可以上，邹晓东就不可以上，
都是有原因的。
江绵恒他不行，他有个淡的党内资历，他根本就压不住阵。
就是江泽民死了之后，江派的共主必须一个人站出来挑大梁。
不能再背靠江泽民这颗大树。大树骨灰都已经扬了。

中共党内要发言，第12个才轮的上曾庆红，他能有多大份量呢。
周永康如果不抓的话，大概排名第17，在刘云山这个位置。
周永康都能抓，排名在周永康后面的，刘云山，王岐山，张高丽
有什么不能抓的？

只有排名靠前的常委，才是权力核心的人。
要不然弄这个排名干吗用的呢？

邓小平有一句非常大的名言，跟江泽民说的：“毛泽东活着的时候，毛是核心，他说了算。毛泽东死了以后，我是核心，我说了算。现在你是核心，如果你讲的话说了算，我就放心了。”

那现在江泽民也死了，江派谁说了算呢？

现在不管有没有中央决策委员会这个名头，
中共党内实际掌握权力的都是这六个人，胡锦涛，李瑞环，温家宝，张德江，李强，赵乐际。
为了简化讨论，我们可以简单说就是胡温加张德江李强
中共现在就是他们4个人说了算。

这名网友说
大包這期影片下面怎麼來了這麼多粉紅來洗的，怎麼一提到胡溫就急眼了，是不是不了解你的節目內容。
我的回复是，
我也挺纳闷儿的。还专门跑到维基上创建一个假词条
这个词条是2025年7月2日，刚刚创建的。

然后开始从延安整风，开始扯淡了，
延安整风是2025年开始整风的。

中共谁说了算，谁掌握最高权力，不是我来决定的。
三中全会之后，提拔了200多个官员，出现最多的人，是实际掌权的人。

三中全会之后首先提拔的20个官员，大概一看，就是李克强李瑞环温家宝
江泽民。
李克强和江泽民已经死了。
谁一天到晚在提拔李克强的人呢？总不能是习近平提拔的吧？
等到把石泰峰换成中组部长时候，都已经提拔的150多个官员，这才明牌。

黄建发当了两年多的中组部副部长。
黄建发应该是和石泰峰担任中组部长同时被明确为正部级的。
但是暂时并没有接任常务副部长，应该会接任。

到底是谁提拔的黄建发呢？他就把江派的人一网打尽。

1984年，19岁的黄建发于浙江大学地质系区域地质专业毕业后，进入中国科学院研究生院国家地震局地质研究所地震地质专业攻读硕士研究生。

19岁大学毕业，这都是神童。
黄建发和广西党委书记陈刚一样，都是15岁上大学。
要么他们两个人的简历都造假，要么他们两个人都是神童。
陈刚是江蛤的扬州老乡，江泽民提拔的确实都挺牛的。
如果不是简历造假，那么确实都是神童。

路甬祥也是浙江大学校长，然后去中科院当院长，当然年代不一样
1998年3月 – 2000年10月，33岁的黄建发任中国驻纽西兰大使馆一秘。当时的中国驻纽西兰大使是陈文照（1998年2月 – 2001年2月）
陈文照是谁呢，陈文照名不见经传，没人知道他是谁？
陈文照是1998年担任中国驻纽西兰大使的，当时的总书记的确是江泽民。
当然仅仅凭这个时间，证据力不足。
陈文照1965年毕业于北京外国语大学，当时叫做北京外国语学院。

北京外国语大学最出名的校友，自然是章含之，毛泽东的情妇。
级别最高的是崔天凯，中国驻美国大使，傅莹中国驻英国大使，武大伟，这三个人都是外交部副部长。
但是北京外国语大学不能都说是成一个派系，肯定三个派系的人都有。

1988年 – 1991年，48岁陈文照从中国驻澳大利亚大使馆回国，任外交部美大司加澳新处处长。当时的司长是刘华秋 （1986年7月 – 1989年）。
刘华秋是江泽民外交团队的核心成员，是江泽民中央外办主任。

我们看当年的报道
江泽民成立国安领导小组，刘华秋行情看涨
据即将于2001年2月14日日出版的「远东经济评论」披露，中共最近成立一个类似国家安全委员会的「领导小组」，由国家主席江泽民亲自领导，日常工作则由中共中央外事领导小组办公厅主任刘华秋负责协调。
所以，刘华秋就是江泽民的马仔

2022年11月18日，刘华秋
2022年11月30日，官方公布江泽民死亡。
按照官方公布的日期，刘华秋和江泽民是同一个月死亡的，一起死的。

黄建发一开始就是江泽民的人。35岁正部级定律。
1998年，甚至更早的时候，江泽民就看上了黄建发，准备把黄建发提拔成正部级。
27年之后，黄建发晋升正部级。江泽民都已经死了。
说明江派现在至少还有一个人，有权限提拔正部级。
必须是一名排名靠前的常委，才可以。

2002年8月，任地震局科技发展司（国际合作司）副司长。当时的中国地震局局长（正部级）是宋瑞祥（2002年1月 – 2004年12月）。

2003年5月，黄建发任福建省地震局局长。当时的福建省委书记是宋德福（2000年12月 – 2004年12月）

宋瑞祥应该是陈云朱镕基的马仔，习近平派系的。
所以黄建发要去福建，宋德福那里解决正局级。
宋德福是江泽民的人，宋德福预定要接胡锦涛的班，宋德福还是胡锦涛的人不是说死循环了吗？
宋德福没有这个命，让朱镕基钻了空子，扶习近平上位。

张德江的大秘肖志恒，在共青团是宋德福手下。
宋德福和肖志恒都是从军队调到共青团的。
张德江已经出现了。

宋德福气势还挺足的，
宋德福书面回顾福建工作经历:”我尽力了,福建”
天不假年，没办法，习近平完全是篡位。
习近平一开始就不应该上位，就是篡位。
宋德福在傻叉，也不至于有习近平这么傻叉

宋德福说：“为福建的发展，我尽职了；为福建的老百姓，我尽责了；为福建的干部成长，我尽心了。”

2010年11月，45岁的黄建发任中共成都市委常委。当时的成都市委书记是李春城（2003年6月 – 2011年11月），黄新初（2011年11月 – 2016年7月），当时的成都市长是葛红林（2003年6月 – 2014年10月）。当时的四川省委书记是刘奇葆（2007年12月1日 – 2012年11月20日），四川省长是蒋巨峰（2007年1月 – 2013年1月），四川省委副书记李崇禧 (2002年5月 – 2011年9月)

李春城是习近平派系的，黄新初是江泽民的人，当时还没有上任。
刘奇葆应该是胡锦涛的人，李崇禧是周永康的大秘。
成都市委常委不是成都市委书记能提拔的，需要四川省委。

每次黄建发提拔的时候，必定有一个江泽民的人等着渡他
和渡船一样，一定有一个人，等着把送到升迁的对岸。

黄建发的每一步都能找到江泽民的人的头上

2012年4月，47岁的黄建发兼任成都市委秘书长。当时的成都市委书记是黄新初（2011年11月 – 2016年7月）。
黄新初上任之后，就让黄建发当大秘

《财经》曝光五名省部高官涉刘汉案：方小方、黄新初、白恩培
Apr 7, 2014 — 刘汉和商人周滨之间的相识，正是经由时任阿坝州委书记黄新初牵线，周永康之子周滨与刘汉第一笔合作，是一个旅游项目。

黄建发的每一步都对应着一个江泽民的人。
就是这么神。

2015年6月，50岁的黄建发任中共四川省委组织部常务副部长。当时的组织部长是范锐平 (2013年5月 – 2017年4月)。当时的四川省委书记是王东明（2012年11月21日 – 2018年3月21日），四川省长是魏宏（2013年1月 – 2016年1月），四川省委副书记是尹力 (2015年3月 – 2016年1月)
范锐平我不确定，猜是习近平的人。
王东明有可能是胡锦涛的人，尹力是习近平的人。
那么只能是这个省长魏宏是江泽民的人了。

魏宏就是在王岐山担任中纪委书记期间被拿下的，降为副厅级。
据媒体报道，魏宏与周永康私交甚笃。

黄建发在四川省被提拔的这三步，李崇禧，黄新初，魏宏都和周永康关系密切。
李崇禧是周永康大秘。黄新初与周永康儿子周滨关系密切，
魏宏与周永康关系密切。
而且黄建发是四川组织部常务副部长，魏宏的标签就是组织部

魏宏：我们需要尝试的东西太多
Mar 10, 2008 — 从1997年任四川省委组织部副部长开始，魏宏便与基层民主改革联系在一起，成为其发展的重要推手之一，

中共真正推动过民主改革的官员，好多都是江泽民派系的
胡耀邦，李源潮，魏宏。
胡锦涛派系的，就是赵紫阳，李瑞环和温家宝。
这6个人官员是多多少少有点实际动作的。

2017年4月，52岁的黄建发升任中共四川省委常委、组织部部长。
当时的人大委员长就是张德江。省委常委要么是总书记提拔的，要么是总理提拔的。
要么是习近平，要么是李克强提拔的，最多是人大委员长。那就是张德江。

2018年7月，53岁的黄建发调任中共浙江省委常委、组织部部长。当时的浙江省委书记是车俊(2017年4月 – 2020年8月31日)。当时的浙江省委组织部副部长是温暖（2018年 – 2021年）。温暖就是李强提拔的，李强就是张德江提拔的。

我们总结一下，黄建发担任中国驻纽西兰大使馆一秘，大使陈文照在中国外交部美大司当处长期间的司长刘华秋是江泽民外交团队核心成员。现在中国驻欧盟大使蔡润，副部级，就是刘华秋的马仔。
黄建发曾经挂职福建地震局局长，当时的福建省委书记宋德福和张德江共用一个秘书肖志恒。
黄建发在四川省的三个上级，
四川省委副书记李崇禧是周永康大秘。成都市委书记黄新初与周永康儿子周滨关系密切，
四川省长魏宏与周永康关系密切。
黄建发担任浙江组织部长期间，组织部副部长温暖是李强提拔的，李强是张德江提拔的。

黄建发担任中组部常务副部长，掌握人事大权，说明江派的共主是张德江。

好的， 谢谢大家。

英文翻译

Why are the “50 Cent Party” members so agitated, so sensitive about Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao’s attendance? What’s the succession code in Huang Jianfa? Whoever controls personnel power is the General Secretary. Why is he the leader of the Jiang faction?

Hello everyone,

Let’s talk about Huang Jianfa, a particularly important core figure.

Huang Jianfa is a vice-ministerial level official in the Organization Department.

He hasn’t even become the executive vice-minister of the Organization Department yet. Jiang Xinzhi hasn’t stepped down yet.

The official description of Huang Jianfa is a vice-ministerial level official assisting the executive vice-minister.

He’s either currently in office or has already agreed to a position. But it’s likely temporary; Jiang Xinzhi will definitely step down.

Huang Jianfa should be replacing Jiang Xinzhi. Even if Huang Jianfa becomes the executive vice-minister of the Organization Department,

that’s only a ministerial level position, not even a member of the Politburo.

Shi Taifeng, the Organization Department Minister, is also just a member of the Politburo. He’s not even a member of the Standing Committee, far removed from the core of the CCP.

Only these 12 people hold core power in the CCP. However, Shi Taifeng’s special status stems from his close ties with Hu Jintao and Hu Chunhua.

Shi Taifeng is Hu Jintao’s henchman; his appointment as Minister of the Organization Department signifies Hu Chunhua’s impending succession.

Shi Taifeng himself is not particularly special.

Similarly, Huang Jianfa, though only the Executive Vice Minister of the Organization Department, wields actual power comparable to, if not greater than, that of Shi Taifeng. He may be slightly less powerful, but his influence and influence are not significantly less.

Previously, it was rumored that Zou Xiaodong was the Executive Vice Minister of the Organization Department, having served as Lu Yongxiang’s secretary during Lu’s tenure as president of Zhejiang University.

Lu Yongxiang and Jiang Mianheng were colleagues at the Chinese Academy of Sciences, one a president and the other a vice president.

If Zou Xiaodong had been the Executive Vice Minister, then Jiang Mianheng would have been the leader of the Jiang faction.

In fact, Jiang Mianheng is not capable.

Zeng Qinghong is also not capable.

This netizen said that Zeng Qinghong should be the current leader of the Jiang faction.

My reply is that this is a typical propaganda statement, contrary to common sense.

Among the retired Standing Committee members, only Zhang Dejiang ranks highest among the Jiang faction.

Zhu Rongji and Jia Qinglin belong to Xi Jinping’s faction, while Hu Jintao, Li Ruihuan, and Wen Jiabao belong to Hu Jintao’s faction.

In terms of ranking, Zhang Dejiang is the head of the Jiang faction.

Analyzing Huang Jianfa’s factional background reveals this.

Whoever holds the power of personnel appointments has the final say.

Both are members of the Jiang faction, so why was Huang Jianfa promoted while Zou Xiaodong wasn’t?

There are reasons for both.

Jiang Mianheng is not suitable; he has only a weak seniority within the party, and he simply cannot maintain control.

After Jiang Zemin’s death, the head of the Jiang faction had to step forward and take charge.

They could no longer rely on Jiang Zemin’s influence. His ashes have already been scattered.

Within the CCP, Zeng Qinghong is only the 12th person to speak; how much weight does he carry?

If Zhou Yongkang hadn’t been arrested, he would probably be ranked 17th, in Liu Yunshan’s position.

If Zhou Yongkang could be arrested, why couldn’t those ranked after him—Liu Yunshan, Wang Qishan, Zhang Gaoli—be arrested?

Only the top-ranking members of the Standing Committee are at the core of power.

Otherwise, what’s the point of this ranking system?

Deng Xiaoping famously said to Jiang Zemin: “When Mao Zedong was alive, Mao was the core, he called the shots. After Mao Zedong died, I became the core, I called the shots. Now you are the core, and if your words carry weight, I’m at ease.”

Now that Jiang Zemin is dead, who calls the shots in Jiang’s faction?

Regardless of the existence of the Central Decision-Making Committee,

the actual power within the CCP rests with these six people: Hu Jintao, Li Ruihuan, Wen Jiabao, Zhang Dejiang, Li Qiang, and Zhao Leji.

To simplify the discussion, we can simply say it’s Hu Jintao, Wen Jiabao, Zhang Dejiang, and Li Qiang.

The CCP is currently controlled by these four people.

This netizen said, “Why are there so many pro-CCP supporters trying to defend Da Bao in this video? Why do they get so worked up over mentioning Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao? Don’t they understand the content of your program? ”

My reply was, “I’m quite puzzled too. They even created a fake entry on Wikipedia.

This entry was created on July 2, 2025.

Then they started talking nonsense about the Yan’an Rectification Movement.

The Yan’an Rectification Movement started in 2025.

Who’s in charge in the CCP, who holds supreme power, isn’t decided by me.

After the Third Plenary Session, over 200 officials were promoted, and the most numerous were those who actually held power.

The first 20 officials promoted after the Third Plenary Session, at a glance, are Li Keqiang, Li Ruihuan, Wen Jiabao, and Jiang Zemin.

Li Keqiang and Jiang Zemin are already dead.

Who’s been promoting Li Keqiang’s people all this time? It can’t be Xi Jinping promoting them, right?” By the time Shi Taifeng was replaced as Minister of the Organization Department, over 150 officials had already been promoted, and only then was the true picture revealed.

Huang Jianfa served as Vice Minister of the Organization Department for over two years.

Huang Jianfa was likely officially designated as a ministerial-level official around the same time as Shi Taifeng became Minister of the Organization Department.

However, he hasn’t yet assumed the position of Executive Vice Minister, but he is expected to.

So who promoted Huang Jianfa? He essentially swept up all the Jiang faction’s people.

In 1984, at the age of 19, Huang Jianfa graduated from the Department of Geology, Zhejiang University, majoring in Regional Geology. He then entered the Graduate School of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and the Institute of Geology, State Seismological Bureau, to pursue a master’s degree in Seismic Geology.

Graduating from university at 19 is prodigy.

Huang Jianfa, like Chen Gang, the Party Secretary of Guangxi, entered university at 15.

Either their resumes are fabricated, or they are both child prodigies.

Chen Gang is a fellow townsman of Jiang Zemin from Yangzhou; those promoted by Jiang Zemin are indeed quite impressive.

If their resumes aren’t fabricated, then they are indeed child prodigies.

Lu Yongxiang was also the president of Zhejiang University, and then became the president of the Chinese Academy of Sciences, though the time periods were different.

From March 1998 to October 2000, 33-year-old Huang Jianfa served as First Secretary at the Chinese Embassy in New Zealand. The Chinese Ambassador to New Zealand at that time was Chen Wenzhao (February 1998 – February 2001).

Who is Chen Wenzhao? He is virtually unknown; nobody knows who he is.

Chen Wenzhao became the Chinese Ambassador to New Zealand in 1998, when Jiang Zemin was indeed the General Secretary.

Of course, this timeline alone is insufficient evidence.

Chen Wenzhao graduated from Beijing Foreign Studies University in 1965, then called Beijing Foreign Languages ​​Institute.

The most famous alumnus of Beijing Foreign Studies University is, of course, Zhang Hanzhi, Mao Zedong’s mistress.

The highest-ranking officials were Cui Tiankai, the Chinese Ambassador to the United States; Fu Ying, the Chinese Ambassador to the United Kingdom; and Wu Dawei, all three of whom were Vice Ministers of Foreign Affairs.

However, Beijing Foreign Studies University cannot be said to belong to a single faction; it certainly has members from all three factions.

From 1988 to 1991, Chen Wenzhao, then 48 years old, returned to China from the Chinese Embassy in Australia and served as the Director of the Canada, Australia and New Zealand Division of the Department of American and Oceanian Affairs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Director at that time was Liu Huaqiu (July 1986 – 1989).

Liu Huaqiu was a core member of Jiang Zemin’s diplomatic team and served as the Director of the Central Foreign Affairs Office under Jiang Zemin.

We see reports from that time: Jiang Zemin establishes National Security Leading Group; Liu Huaqiu’s prospects rise.

According to the upcoming February 14, 2001 issue of the “Far Eastern Economic Review,” the CCP recently established a “Leading Group” similar to the National Security Commission, personally led by President Jiang Zemin, with daily operations coordinated by Liu Huaqiu, Director of the General Office of the Central Foreign Affairs Leading Group.

Therefore, Liu Huaqiu was Jiang Zemin’s henchman.

November 18, 2022: Liu Huaqiu.

November 30, 2022: Jiang Zemin’s death was officially announced.

According to the officially announced dates, Liu Huaqiu and Jiang Zemin died in the same month, at the same time.

Huang Jianfa was Jiang Zemin’s man from the beginning. The “35-year-old ministerial-level rule.”

In 1998, or even earlier, Jiang Zemin had his eye on Huang Jianfa and planned to promote him to ministerial level.

27 years later, Huang Jianfa was promoted to ministerial level. Jiang Zemin was already dead.

This means that at least one person in Jiang’s faction still has the authority to promote someone to ministerial level.

This person must be a high-ranking member of the Standing Committee.

In August 2002, he was appointed Deputy Director of the Science and Technology Development Department (International Cooperation Department) of the Earthquake Administration. The then Director of the China Earthquake Administration (ministerial level) was Song Ruixiang (January 2002 – December 2004).

In May 2003, Huang Jianfa became the Director of the Fujian Provincial Earthquake Administration. The then Secretary of the Fujian Provincial Party Committee was Song Defu (December 2000 – December 2004).

Song Ruixiang was likely a henchman of Chen Yun and Zhu Rongji, belonging to Xi Jinping’s faction.

Therefore, Huang Jianfa’s move to Fujian was to secure a ministerial-level position through Song Defu.

Song Defu was Jiang Zemin’s man, and was slated to succeed Hu Jintao. Isn’t it a vicious cycle that Song Defu was also Hu Jintao’s man?

Song Defu didn’t have that destiny, allowing Zhu Rongji to exploit the loophole and propel Xi Jinping to power.

Zhang Dejiang’s chief secretary, Xiao Zhiheng, was under Song Defu’s command in the Communist Youth League.

Both Song Defu and Xiao Zhiheng were transferred from the military to the Communist Youth League.

Zhang Dejiang has already emerged.

Song Defu still had quite a bit of bravado.

Song Defu’s written review of his work experience in Fujian: “I did my best, Fujian.” But fate was cruel; there’s nothing that can be done. Xi Jinping completely usurped power.

Xi Jinping shouldn’t have come to power in the first place; it was a usurpation.

Even if Song Defu was an idiot, he wasn’t as stupid as Xi Jinping.

Song Defu said: “I fulfilled my duties for the development of Fujian; I fulfilled my responsibilities for the people of Fujian; I devoted myself to the growth of Fujian’s cadres.”

In November 2010, 45-year-old Huang Jianfa became a member of the Standing Committee of the Chengdu Municipal Committee of the Communist Party of China. The then-Secretary of the Chengdu Municipal Committee were Li Chuncheng (June 2003 – November 2011) and Huang Xinchu (November 2011 – July 2016), and the then-Mayor of Chengdu was Ge Honglin (June 2003 – October 2014). The then-Secretary of the Sichuan Provincial Party Committee was Liu Qibao (December 1, 2007 – November 20, 2012), the Governor of Sichuan Province was Jiang Jufeng (January 2007 – January 2013), and the Deputy Secretary of the Sichuan Provincial Party Committee was Li Chongxi (May 2002 – September 2011).

Li Chuncheng was from Xi Jinping’s faction, and Huang Xinchu was Jiang Zemin’s man, though he hadn’t yet taken office.

Liu Qibao was likely Hu Jintao’s man, and Li Chongxi was Zhou Yongkang’s chief secretary.

Members of the Chengdu Municipal Party Committee Standing Committee cannot be promoted by the Chengdu Municipal Party Committee Secretary alone; it requires the Sichuan Provincial Party Committee.

Every time Huang Jianfa was promoted, there was always someone from Jiang Zemin waiting to ferry him across.

Like a ferry, there was always someone waiting to take him to the other side of the promotion.

Every step Huang Jianfa took involved connections to Jiang Zemin’s people.

In April 2012, the 47-year-old Huang Jianfa concurrently served as the Secretary-General of the Chengdu Municipal Party Committee. The then-Secretary of the Chengdu Municipal Committee was Huang Xinchu (November 2011 – July 2016).

After taking office, Huang Xinchu appointed Huang Jianfa as his chief secretary.

Caijing magazine exposed five provincial and ministerial-level officials involved in the Liu Han case: Fang Xiaofang, Huang Xinchu, and Bai Enpei.

Apr 7, 2014 — The acquaintance between Liu Han and businessman Zhou Bin was facilitated by Huang Xinchu, then Secretary of the Aba Prefecture Committee. Zhou Yongkang’s son, Zhou Bin, and Liu Han’s first collaboration was a tourism project.

Every step Huang Jianfa took corresponded to someone associated with Jiang Zemin.

It’s that remarkable.

In June 2015, 50-year-old Huang Jianfa became the Executive Deputy Minister of the Organization Department of the Sichuan Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China. The Minister of the Organization Department at that time was Fan Ruiping (May 2013 – April 2017). The then-Secretary of the Sichuan Provincial Party Committee was Wang Dongming (November 21, 2012 – March 21, 2018), the Governor of Sichuan Province was Wei Hong (January 2013 – January 2016), and the Deputy Secretary of the Sichuan Provincial Party Committee was Yin Li (March 2015 – January 2016). I’m not sure about Fan Ruiping, but I guess he’s Xi Jinping’s man.

Wang Dongming might be Hu Jintao’s man, and Yin Li is Xi Jinping’s man.

Therefore, it can only be that Governor Wei Hong was Jiang Zemin’s man.

Wei Hong was removed from his post and demoted to deputy director-general level during Wang Qishan’s tenure as Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection.

According to media reports, Wei Hong had a close personal relationship with Zhou Yongkang.

Huang Jianfa’s three promotions in Sichuan Province—through Li Chongxi, Huang Xinchu, and Wei Hong—all had close ties with Zhou Yongkang.

Li Chongxi was Zhou Yongkang’s chief secretary. Huang Xinchu had a close relationship with Zhou Yongkang’s son, Zhou Bin.

Wei Hong had a close relationship with Zhou Yongkang.

Moreover, Huang Jianfa was the Executive Deputy Minister of the Organization Department of Sichuan Province, while Wei Hong’s defining characteristic was the Organization Department.

Wei Hong: There are too many things we need to try.

Mar 10, 2008 — Since becoming Deputy Minister of the Organization Department of the Sichuan Provincial Party Committee in 1997, Wei Hong has been linked to grassroots democratic reforms, becoming one of the key drivers of their development.

Many of the CCP officials who truly promoted democratic reforms were from the Jiang Zemin faction: Hu Yaobang, Li Yuanchao, and Wei Hong.

From the Hu Jintao faction: Zhao Ziyang, Li Ruihuan, and Wen Jiabao.

These six officials all had some actual influence.

In April 2017, 52-year-old Huang Jianfa was promoted to Standing Committee Member and Minister of the Organization Department of the Sichuan Provincial Party Committee.

The then Chairman of the National People’s Congress was Zhang Dejiang. Provincial Standing Committee members are either promoted by the General Secretary or the Premier.

They are either promoted by Xi Jinping or Li Keqiang, at most becoming Chairman of the National People’s Congress. That was Zhang Dejiang.

In July 2018, Huang Jianfa, 53, was transferred to the position of Standing Committee Member and Minister of the Organization Department of the Zhejiang Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China. The then Secretary of the Zhejiang Provincial Committee was Che Jun (April 2017 – August 31, 2020). The then Deputy Minister of the Organization Department of the Zhejiang Provincial Committee was Wen Nuan (2018 – 2021). Wen Nuan was promoted by Li Qiang, who in turn was promoted by Zhang Dejiang.

To summarize, Huang Jianfa served as First Secretary at the Chinese Embassy in New Zealand. Ambassador Chen Wenzhao was the Director of the Department of American and Oceanian Affairs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Liu Huaqiu was a core member of Jiang Zemin’s diplomatic team. The current Chinese Ambassador to the EU, Cai Run, at the vice-ministerial level, is Liu Huaqiu’s henchman.

Huang Jianfa previously served as Director of the Fujian Earthquake Bureau. The then Secretary of the Fujian Provincial Committee, Song Defu, shared a secretary, Xiao Zhiheng, with Zhang Dejiang.

Huang Jianfa’s three superiors in Sichuan Province:

Li Chongxi, Deputy Secretary of the Sichuan Provincial Committee, was Zhou Yongkang’s chief secretary. Chengdu Party Secretary Huang Xinchu has close ties with Zhou Yongkang’s son, Zhou Bin.

Sichuan Governor Wei Hong has close ties with Zhou Yongkang.

During Huang Jianfa’s tenure as Zhejiang’s Organization Department Minister, the Deputy Minister of the Organization Department, Wen Nuan, was promoted by Li Qiang, who in turn was promoted by Zhang Dejiang.

Huang Jianfa’s appointment as Executive Vice Minister of the Organization Department, wielding significant power over personnel appointments, indicates that Zhang Dejiang is the undisputed leader of the Jiang faction.

Okay, thank you everyone.